HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON. 
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LINDSAY  SWIFT,  Editor. 

WORTHINGTON  C.  FORD. 

JAMES  L.  WHITNEY, 

Librarian. 


CONTENTS. 


TRADE  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY,  1742-43. 

Letter  from  Governor  Shirley  I 

Letter  from  Advocate  General  Bollan  3 

Letter  from  Judge  Auchmuty  8 

Memorial  from  Judge  Auchmuty  12 

Letter  from  Judge  Auchmuty  15 

PAPER  CURRENCY  IN  THE  BRITISH  PLANTATIONS  IN 

AMERICA,  1741  (?)  17 

BOSTON  IN  1775. 

Letter  from  Jesse  Lukens  22 


VII 


TRADE  OF 
THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


From  Governor  Shirley. 

Boston  N  England  Febry  26th  1742/3 
My  Lords 

The  Seventh  of  the  Quaeries  lately  Sent  by  your  Lordsps,  to  be 
answered,  is  this  viz1. 

What  Methods  are  Used  in  the  Province  under  your  Governm1.  to 
prevent  Illegal  Trade;  and  are  ye  same  Effectual? 

I  have  Singled  out  this  Quaere  to  Answer  in  the  first  place,  be 
cause  the  illicit  Trade  which  appears  to  have  been  Carried  on  in  this 
province  and  some  of  the  Neighbouring  Colonys  (within  this  last  year 
more  Especially)  is  such,  as  without  the  Speedy  Interposition  of  the 
Parliam1.  to  Stop  it,  Must  be  highly  destructive  of  the  Interests  of 
Great  Britain,  by  lessening  the  Vent  of  her  Wollen  and  other  Manu 
factures,  &  Commodities  in  her  own  Plantations,  making  her  cease  to 
be  a  Staple  of  the  European  Commodities  for  Supplying  them,  letting 
Foreigners  into  the  profits  of  the  plantation  Trade,  and  finally  weaken 
ing  the  Dependance;  which  the  British  Northern  Colony's  ought  to 
have  upon  their  Mother  Country. 

That  the  main  Benefits  and  Advantages  arising  to  Great  Britain 
from  her  plantations,  wch.  I  have  above  enumerated,  and  which  have 
constantly  employed  the  attention  of  the  British  parliam1.  to  Secure 
to  her  by  keeping  particularly  the  European  Trade  to  and  from  her 
plantations  to  herself  (as  has  been  the  Usage  of  other  Nations  with 
regard  to  their  plantations,)  are  in  very  imminent  Danger  of  being 
lost,  to  her  by  the  Frauds  and  Abuses  lately  practis'd  here  in  that 
Trade,  I  think  will  appear  to  your  Lordships  upon  your  perusal  of  the 
inclosed  Ace1,  of  them  given  by  the  Advocate  Gen1,  pursuant  to  my 
Orders,  and  which  he  has  Chose  to  Cast  into  the  form  of  a  Letter  to 
your  Lordships. 

I  am  Sensible  that  the  Advocates  letter  is  very  long,  but  I  hope 
its  length  may  be  excused  by  your  Lordships  on  Ace1,  of  the  Import- 


ance  of  it's  Subject,  and  the  Necessity  there  is  of  laying  before  your 
Lordships  a  full  and  particular  Acco1.  of  the  Mischiefs  represented  in  it, 
with  their  Causes  and  proper  Remedies,  as  they  Appear  to  persons 
upon  the  Spot,  who  have  had  the  Conduct  of  prosecutions  for  Breaches 
of  the  Acts  of  Trade  in  this  &  the  Neighbouring  Colonies  for  Sev1. 
years,  and  form  their  Judgem1.  upon  a  long  Experience  of  the  Effect 
of  those  Acts,  as  they  have  been  Construed  by  the  provincial  Courts  of 
Law  and  evaded  by  Illicit  Traders. 

I  shall  only  Add  to  the  enclosed  Letter,  that  Untill  all  Breaches 
of  the  Acts  of  Trade,  which  Extend  to  the  Plantations,  or  at  least  those 
of  the  15th  Cha:  2d  Chap.  7th  are  made  tryable  in  the  Courts  of  Vice 
Admiralty  here,  (without  which  it  is  in  vain  to  hope  that  the  Illicit 
Trade  complained  of  can  be  Suppressed)  it  may  be  expected  that  it 
will  be  Carried  on  in  New  England,  and  perhaps  grow,  if  not  timely 
prevented,  to  So  Strong  an  head  as  that  it  will  be  no  easy  Matter  wholly 
to  Subdue  it. 

The  prosecution  of  the  Importers  of  the  Goods  brought  in  the 
Brigantine  Hannah  (mentioned  in  the  Advocates  Letter)  from  Rotter 
dam  into  this  For*  for  the  Value  of  the  Goods  imported  in  her  would 
doubtless  Discourage  the  Illicit  Traders  to  a  very  great  Degree,  and 
must  deterr  'em  exceedingly  by  Showing  'em  their  Insecurity  even 
after  they  have  Safely  landed  their  Goods;  and  I  am  of  Opinion  it 
can't  fail  of  having  a  great  Tendency  to  break  up  the  Trade  --  But  as 
I  think  it  more  proper  that  the  Commrs.  of  ye,  Customs  shod.  be  troubled 
with  the  Care  of  procuring  this  Evidence  from  Rotterdam  for  the  prose 
cution  of  this  Affair  than  your  Lordships,  I  have  directed  him  to 
recommend  it  to  them  to  take  that  trouble  upon  themselves;  and  if 
your  Lordships  should  be  of  Opinion  that  this  prosecution  wod.  be  for 
the  Service  of  the  Crown,  your  Signifying  that  to  the  Commissrs.  of  the 
Customs  must  Effectually  procure  the  desired  Evidence,  and  the  Ac 
tion  upon  the  Rec*.  of  it,  shall  be  forthwith  brought  here  &  prosecuted 
to  Effect. 

I  am,  &ca 

My  Lords  &ca 

W:  Shirley 

Endorsement. 

Letter  from  Mr.  Shirley  Govr.  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to  the 
Board  Dated  26  Feb*.  1742/3  being  a  particular  answer  to  the  7th.  of 
the  Boards  Quaeres  lately  Sent  to  him  relating  to  the  Methods  Used 
in  that  Province  to  prevent  Illegal  Trade  and  the  Effect  of  them. 


From  Advocate  General  Bollan. 

Boston  N.  England  Febry  26th  1/42. 

My  Lords. 

Mr.  Shirley  the  Govr.  &  Vice  Admiral  of  this  province  soon  after 
his  being  made  such,  was  pleased  to  Appoint  me  the  Kings  Advocate, 
and  according  to  the  practice  here,  it  is  the  Duty  of  the  person  filling 
that  place  to  prosecute  all  offenders  against  the  Acts  of  Trade,  The 
Discharge  of  which  Trust  has  been  lately  attended  with  such  Dis 
coveries,  and  is  at  present  Accompanied  with  So  may  Difficulties,  that 
after  Communicating  them  to  his  Excellency,  he  gave  me  Orders 
to  make  them  particularly  known  to  your  Lordships,  and  indeed  I 
conceive  'em  to  be  of  such  Nature  &  Consequence  that,  had  I  not  re 
ceived  his  Commands  to  that  End,  I  shod.  have  thought  myself  Obliged 
in  Faithfulness  to  the  Crown  to  lay  them  before  your  Lordships :  after 
mentioning  which  I  shall  make  no  further  Apology  for  giving  your 
Lordsps  this  trouble ;  but  proceed  to  inform  you  that  there  has  lately 
been  Carried  on  here  a  large  Illicit  Trade,  (Distructive  to  the  Interest 
of  Great  Britain  in  her  Trade  to  her  own  Plantations,  and  Contrary  to 
the  main  intent  of  all  her  Laws  made  to  regulate  that  Trade)  by  im 
porting  into  this  province  large  Quantities  of  European  Goods  of 
Almost  all  Sorts  from  diverse  parts  of  Europe,  Some  of  which  are  by 
the  Laws  wholly  prohibited  to  be  imported  into  the  Plantations,  and 
ye  rest  are  prohibited  to  be  imported  there,  Unless  bro*.  directly  from 
Great  Britain :  To  Shew  forth  to  your  Lordships,  the  Rise,  progress  & 
Extent  of  this  Pernicious  practice  would  I  fear  far  exceed  the  proper 
Compass  of  a  Letter  from  me  to  your  Lordships,  and  therefore  I  shall 
Content  myself  with  Saying  Ist.  that  a  Considerable  Number  of  Ships 
have  Contrary  to  the  15th  Chas.  2d.  Chap:  7th  lately  come  into  this 
Country  directly  from  Holland,  laden  some  wholly,  some  in  part,  with 
Reels  of  Yarn  or  Spun  Hemp,  paper,  Gunpowder,  Iron  and  Goods  of 
Various  Sorts  Used  for  Men  &  Womens  Cloathing;  2dly.  that  Some 
Vessells  have  also  come  directly  from  other  foreign  parts  of  Europe 
with  like  Cargoes,  3d1?.  that  Some  of  those  Vessells  were  laden  Chiefly 
&  others  in  part  with  the  Goods  of  the  produce  and  Manufacture  of  old 
Spain  prohibited  under  large  penalty'es  to  be  imported  into  Great 
Britain  during  the  present  War:  4thly.  That  to  Carry  on  this  Sort  of 
Trade  diverse  Vessells  have  been  fitted  out  here  laden  with  provisions, 
and  tho'  they  appear  wholly  English  in  the  Plantations,  Yet  by  means 
of  their  being  Commanded  and  Navigated  by  French  Refugees  Natural 
ized,  or  such  persons  as  may  easily  pass  for  French  Men  and  by  the 
help  of  French  papers  and  passes  procured  by  French  Merchts.  Con 
cerned  in  the  matter,  they  have  Carried  the  English  Provisions  to  their 
open  Enemies,  and  landed  them  out  of  those  Vessells  in  the  Ports  of 

3 


Spain  :  5thly.  That  a  Considerable  part  of  the  Illicit  Trade  from  Holland 
is  Carried  on  by  Factors  here  for  the  Sake  of  their  Commissions,  Dutch 
Merchts.  having  the  property  in  the  Goods  Imported.  6th.  That  one  of 
these  Illicit  Traders  lately  departed  hence  for  Holland  proposed  to  one 
of  the  greatest  Sellers  of  Broad  Cloths  here  (and  to  how  many  others  1 
can't  say)  to  Supply  him  with  Black  Cloths  from  thence,  Saying  that 
this  Country  might  be  better  and  Cheaper  Supply'd  with  Broad  Cloths 
of  that  Colour  from  Holland  than  from  England;  But  to  prevent  or 
rather  increase  your  Lordship's  Surprize  on  this  Head  I  need  only  to 
Acquaint  you  that  I  write  this  Clad  in  a  Superfine  French  Cloth,  which 
I  bought  on  purpose  that  I  might  wear  about  the  Evidence  of  these 
Illegal  Traders  having  Already  begun  to  destroy  the  Vital  parts  of  the 
British  Commerce ;  and  to  Use  as  a  Memento  to  Myself  and  the  Cus 
tomhouse  Officers  to  do  everything  in  our  power  towards  Cutting  off 
this  Trade  So  very  pernicious  to  the  British  Nation.  7thl>'.  That  the 
persons  concerned  in  this  Trade  are  many,  Some  of  them  of  the  greates 
Fortunes  in  this  Country,  and  who  have  made  great  Gains  by  it,  and 
having  all  felt  the  Sweets  of  it,  they  begin  to  Espouse  and  Justify  it, 
Some  openly  some  Covertly,  and  having  perswaded  themselves  that 
their  Trade  ought  not  to  be  bound  by  the  Laws  of  Great  Britain,  they 
labour,  and  not  without  Success  to  poison  the  Minds  of  all  the  Inhabit 
ants  of  the  Province,  and  Matters  are  brought  to  such  a  pass  that  it  is 
Sufficient  to  recommend  any  Trade  to  their  general  Approbation  and 
Favour  that  it  is  Unlawfull ;  and  as  Examples  of  this  kind  soon  Spread 
their  Influence  on  the  other  plantations  around,  tis  too  plain  almost  to 
need  mentioning  that  if  Care  be  not  Soon  taken  to  Cure  this  growing 
Mischief,  the  British  Trade  to  these  Plantations  and  their  proper  De- 
pendance  on  their  Mother  Country  will  in  a  great  measure  'ere  long 
be  lost\  I  shall  now  recount  to  your  Lordships  the  Difficulties  which 
attend  the  Suppression  of  this  Mischief;  The  First  and  one  of  the  Prin 
cipal  whereof  is  that  the  Breaches  of  the  Statute  of  the  15th  Cha:  2d 
Chap :  7th  Entitled  an  Act  for  the  Encouragem*.  of  Trade  &  made  pur 
posely  to  keep  the  Plantations  in  a  firm  Dependance  upon  England,  and 
to  render  them  Advantagious  to  it  in  the  Vent  of  English  Woollen  and 
other  Commodities,  and  which  provides  that  all  European  Goods  and 
Manufactures  imported  into  the  Plantations  Shall  be  Shippd  in  Eng 
land,  are  not  Cognizable  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  and  a  prosecution 
in  the  Common  Law  Courts  here  will  be  Unavoidably  attended  with 
great  delay  and  too  many  Difficulties  and  Discouragements  to  be  gen 
erally  overcome,  for  in  the  First  place  by  the  Course  of  Judicial  pro 
ceedings  Established  in  this  province  there  will  be  a  Necessity  for  the 
prosecutor  to  pass  thro'  various  Tryals,  (and  frequently  in  distant 
Counties)  in  Courts  disinclined  to  the  prosecution,  and  with  Scarce 
any  hopes  of  Success ;  For  in  the  next  place  the  prosecutor  cannot 


there  have  process  to  Compell  an  Appearance  of  Unwilling  Witnesses, 
(And  all  Witnesses  for  the  Crown  in  Cases  of  this  Nature  are  generally 
such)  and  Finally  a  Tryal  by  Jury  here  is  only  trying  one  Illicite 
Trader  by  his  Fellows,  or  at  least  his  well  wishers ;  How  it  happen'd 
that  the  Offences  Ag*  this  Statute  which  is  the  main  Ligament  whereby 
the  plantation  Trade  is  fastned  and  Secured  to  Great  Britain,  shod  not 
be  Cognizable  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty:  when  the  Cognizance  of 
other  Acts  of  Trade  of  much  less  Consequence  to  the  Nation  are  given 
to  that  Court  from  the  Common  Consideration  of  the  Interest,  or  desire 
that  the  Juries  have  here  to  defeat  all  Seizures  &  prosecutions  for  the 
Crown,  I  cannot  say  but  ye  Inconveniences  that  at  present  proceed  from 
the  Court  of  Admiralty's  want  of  Jurisdiction  over  Offences  against 
that  Statute,  are  certainly  very  great :  another  Difficulty  that  attends 
the  Suppressing  this  Illegal  Trade  Arises  from  the  Nature  and  Situa 
tion  of  the  Country,  which  abounds  with  Out  Ports,  where  Vessells 
Employed  in  this  Trade  unlade  their  Cargoes  into  Small  Vessells, 
wherein  they  afterwards  Carry  their  prohibited  Goods  with  Ease  into 
some  proper  places  of  Safety ;  and  a  further  Difficulty  grows  out  of  the 
Corruption  of  those  who  are  Employed  to  Carry  on  this  Trade,  which 
is  become  so  great  that  we  have  had  some  late  Instances  of  Oaths  taken 
at  the  Custom-house  by  Masters  of  Vessells  in  direct  Contradiction  to 
their  certain  knowledge  of  the  Truth,  and  to  this  crime  these  Illicite 
Traders  have  lately  added  this  Contrivance,  Viz*,  To  Conceal  or  Spirit 
away  the  Seamen  who  might  otherwise  be  Witnesses  and  by  their 
Testimony  possibly  cause  a  Condemnation  of  some  of  the  Vessells 
Employ' d  this  Way ;  and  thus  when  Vast  Quantities  of  Goods  are  Il 
legally  Imported  here,  after  they  are  Unladen  and  Secured  the  Master 
appears  boldly,  and  is  ready  to  Swear  any  thing  for  the  Good  of  the 
Voyage,  and  the  Sailors  are  dispersed  and  gone,  and  there  is  nothing  to 
be  found  ,  but  an  Empty  Vessell,  Agl  which  no  proof  can  be  obtained  — 
Having  thus  laid  before  your  Lordships  the  principal  Dificulty's  that 
attend  the  Carrying  the  Acts  of  Trade  into  Execution  here  it  may  per 
haps  be  Expected  that  I  shod  propose  some  Remedies  which  appear  to 
us,  who  are  upon  the  Spot  and  there  Observe  the  Working  of  these 
things,  to  be  most  likely  to  Effect  the  Cure  of  these  Mischiefs;  Where 
fore  I  shall  now  proceed  to  mention  'em  for  the  Consideration  of  your 
Lordships. 

The  first  thing  that  Seems  Necessary  to  be  done  and  that  by  Par 
liament  is  to  Grant  to  the  Court  of  Admiralty  Cognizance  of  all  past 
and  future  Offences  Ag'  the  above  mentioned  Statute  15th  Cha.  2d,  or 
(which  would  be  much  better)  to  provide  by  Act  of  Parliam*,  that  all 
Offences  whatever  past  and  future  against  the  Acts  of  Trade  com 
mitted  in  the  Plantations  &  the  penalties  and  Forfeitures  arising  there 
from  may  be  prosecuted  for  and  recovered  in  any  Court  of  Admiralty 


in  the  plantations;  there  is  really  a  greater  Want  of  a  certain  and 
general  Jurisdiction  in  the  Courts  of  Admiralty  in  the  Platations  over 
Breaches  of  the  Acts  of  Trade  there,  than  at  first  may  be  immagined; 
For  among  other  things  the  Statute  made  in  the  7th  &  8th  of  Wm.  the  3d 
for  preventing  Frauds  and  regulating  Abuses  in  the  Plantation  Trade  is  So 
Obscurely  penn'd  in  the  point  of  the  Admiralty's  Jurisdiction,  that  it 
has  received  different  Constructions,  and  that  Court  has  been  fre 
quently  prohibited  in  this  Province  to  take  Cognizance  of  some  of  the 
Main  Offences  against  that  Statute,  and  of  late  I  hear  that  like  prohi 
bitions  have  been  granted  in  the  province  of  New  York,  tho'  the  Intent 
of  the  Parliam1  that  made  that  Statute  (as  I  think)  doubtless  was  to 
give  the  Admiralty  Jurisdiction  of  all  Offences  against  it:  -  The 
granting  to  the  Admiralty  a  general  Jurisdiction  over  all  Breaches  of 
the  Laws  of  Trade  will,  without  question,  be  of  Advantage  to  the 
Crown  and  Kingdom  &  Save  much  Trouble  to  the  Officers  prosecuting 
Illicit  Traders,  and  indeed  no  Reason  can  be  assigned  for  giving  the 
Admiralty  Cognizance  of  Offences  ag1  some  of  the  Acts  of  Trade,  but 
what  holds  equally  good  for  giving  the  like  Jurisdiction  over  the  rest ; 
But  let  what  will  be  done  with  respect  to  granting  the  Admiralty  Courts 
in  the  Plantations  Such  general  Jurisdiction,  I  think  it  is  very  plain 
that  to  Suffer  the  Offences  ag4.  15th  Cha:  2d,  to  remain  only  punishable 
in  the  Courts  of  Corhon  Law,  is  to  leave  it  in  the  power  of  Illicit  Traders 
(notwithstanding  that  Statute)  to  Import  into  these  plantations  any 
European  Goods  directly  from  any  foreign  Countries  to  their  great 
profit  and  with  little  peril  —  Another  thing  I  would.  propose  to  your 
Lordships  as  a  Cure  of  this  Mischievous  Trade  is,  that  Actions  of 
Detinue  be  brought  against  some  of  the  principal  Offenders  Importing 
here  Goods  from  foreign  parts,  in  order  to  recover  the  Goods  Imported 
or  their  Value  agfc.  the  Importer  of  them ;  such  actions  will  be  warranted 
by  the  Judgment  given  in  Westminster  Hall  by  the  Court  of  Kings 
Bench  8th :  Wm.  3d.  in  the  Case  of  Roberts  against  Wetheral  as  Reported 
by  Mr.  Salkeld  and  others ;  The  Effect  of  a  few  such  actions  properly 
pursued  and  Recoveries  thereupon  had,  will  I  think  Unquestionably 
have  the  greatest  possible  Tendency  to  break  up  this  Trade ;  for  the 
Security  of  the  persons  concerned  in  it  according  to  their  Understand 
ing  of  the  Matter  rests  in  this,  that  if  they  can  but  prevent  the  Officers 
Seizing  the  Goods  Illegally  Imported  (and  therein  they  generally  meet 
with  no  great  difficulty,  as  has  been  already  observed)  then  they  are 
according  to  their  present  Judgemts.  Safe  in  all  respects;  But  when 
Once  the  Importers  come  to  find  that,  they  are  Chargeable  \vith  Actions 
for  the  Goods  Illegally  Imported  or  their  Value,  after  they  have  Im 
ported  them  Safely  and  Disposed  of  them,  I  think  they  cannot  but  be 
deterr'd  from  making  such  Unlawful  Importations ;  For  then  they  will 
see  a  New  Danger,  great  and  of  long  Duration,  &  such  as  upo'n  the 
6 


whole  they  will  have  but  little  (if  any)  hopes  to  Secure  themselves  from 
— The  most  favourable  Case  wherein  the  first  Action  of  this  kind  can  be 
commenced  &  prosecuted  in  my  Opinion  will  be  that  of  the  Brigantine 
Hannah  which  arrived  here  in  Decr.  1741,  and  came  directly  from  Rot 
terdam,  which  place  she  left  in  Octr.  preceeding  laden  with  Hemp  spun 
into  Yarn,  paper,  Ozenbrigs,  Gunpowder  and  other  Goods,  after  her 
Arrival  here  She  was  Seized,  but  she  had  first  unladen  and  Secured  her 
Cargo,  and  with  great  Difficulty  we  got  some  of  the  Crew,  and  by  their 
Oaths  proved  such  Facts  ag'  her  that  She  was  Condemned,  &  as  We 
have  already  Secured  Considerable  Evidence  of  what  Goods  were  Im 
ported  in  her,  I  think  nothing  will  be  wanting  to  Support  an  Action 
to  be  brought  against  the  Owners  of  her  for  the  Goods  by  them  Im 
ported  in  her,  or  their  Value ;  but  the  proof  of  the  particular  Goods, 
taken  in  by  her  at  Rotterdam,  and  if  your  Lordships  will  be  pleased 
to  give  Orders  for  Obtaining  that,  I  think  the  Crown  will  be  greatly 
Served  by  it ;  In  such  Case  it  will  be  Necessary  to  have  such  Evidence 
of  this  point,  as  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Council  will  finally 
receive  and  Adjudge  Sufficient;  For  with  regard  to  the  Success  of  such 
Actions  here  I  think  there  is  but  little  Reason  to  expect  any  Recovery 
on  a  Tryal  by  our  Juries,  tho'  the  proof  of  such  Action  and  the  Law 
for  the  Support  of  it,  be  ever  So  plain;  But  on  an  Appeal  to  his 
Majesty  in  Council,  Law  and  Justice  will  without  question  be  rightly 
Administred  :  The  Condemnation  of  this  Vessell  was  Owing  in  a  great 
Measure  to  Accident;  the  Advocate  Employed  by  the  Claimers  not 
knowing  that  upon  Application  to  the  Superior  Court  here  he  might 
have  had  a  prohibition  to  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  Had  that  Method 
of  Defence  been  Used  the  Vessell  would  have  been  certainly  Acquitted 
in  the  Common  Law  Courts ;  For  the  only  thing  which  Work'd  her 
Condemnation,  was  our  Catching  some  of  the  Crew  flying,  and  holding 
them  by  such  Compulsory  process  as  we  could  not  have  had  any  where 
but  in  the  Admiralty  Court.  —  This  is  the  only  Vessell,  which  has 
been  Condemned  for  being  Employed  in  this  Illicit  Trade,  And  it  is 
very  remarkable  that  tho'  she  Sold  for  about  four  hundred  pounds 
Sterling,  and  So  the  Owners  of  her  lost  that  Sum  Yet  they  have  con 
tinued  that  Trade  ever  Since  to  a  very  great  Degree,  tho'  somewhat 
more  warily ;  and  other  persons  have  been  no  wise  deterr'd  by  this  Loss 
and  the  peril  which  the  Owners  were  in  of  having  their  Goods  taken : 
But  on  the  Contrary,  more  Illicit  Trading  Ships  have  come  in  here  from 
Holland  only,  this  last  Summer  and  fall  then  from  London,  So  near 
is  Great  Britain  to  being  quite  Work'd  out  of  this  part  of  her  Trade: 
and  tho'  I  have  said  So  much  to  your  Lordships  touching  this  Matter 
Yet  I  cannot  avoid  adding  that  this  Illicit  Trade  is  Carried  on  to  So 
great  a  Degree  and  in  so  many  Various  Shapes  that  I  make  no  doubt 
but  if  proper  preventive  Measures  be  not  soon  taken,  a  great  part  of  the 


Bounty  Money  given  by  Great  Britain  to  the  Importers  of  Naval  Stores 
from  the  Plantations  will  in  a  Short  time  be  laid  out  in  Holland  or  other 
parts  of  Europe  in  the  purchase  of  Goods  there,  to  be  Illegally  Imported 
here,  if  that  has  not  been  already  practis'd. 

I  cannot  conclude  without  observing  to  your  Lordships  that  Unless 
effectual  Measures  are  Speedily  taken,  to  Stop  this  growing  Evil ;  the 
Illicit  Traders  will  by  their  Numbers,  Wealth  and  Wiles  have  got  such 
power  in  these  parts  that  Laws  and  Orders  may  come  too  late  from 
Great  Britain  to  have  their  proper  Effect  against  it. 

Your  Lordships  Commands  to  me  (If  you  have  any,  touching  these 
Matters)  Signifyed  to  his  Excellency  the  Governour  or  in  whatever 
manner  you  please  Shall  be  Obey'd  with  the  Utmost  Care  and  Dispatch 
that  can  be  given  them  by 

My  Lords  &ca. 

W:  Bolum.1 


Endorsement. 

Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Bolum,  the  Advocate  Gen1,  in  N.  Eng 
land,  to  the  Board  Dated  the  26th  of  Febry  1742/3,  relating  to  a  large 
Illicit  Trade  lately  Carry'd  on  in  that  province  destructive  of  the  Inter 
est  of  Great  Britain  in  her  Trade  to  her  own  plantations,  and  contrary 
to  the  main  Interest  of  all  her  Laws  made  to  regulate  that  Trade,  by 
Importing  into  that  province  large  Quantity's  of  European  Goods  of 
almost  all  Sorts ;  from  diverse  parts  of  Europe.  - 


From  Judge  Robert  Auchmuty. 

Lond°.  ye.  3ist  May  1743. 

My  Lords. 

In  obedience  to  Your  Lordships  Comands  I  humbly  lay  before  you 
an  Abstract  of  the  penalties  &  Forfeitures  Attending  the  Sev1,  Breaches 
of  the  Acts  of  Trade  Comencing  the  12th.  K.  Car.  2d.  and  Ending  the 
7th.  and  8th.  K.  Wm.  the  3d.  being  Sufficient  as  I  Conceive  to  Discover 
wherein  the  Govr.  and  Mr.  Advocate  by  their  Letters  to  your  Lordships 
desire  for  the  Reasons  therein  assigned,  An  Enlargem1.  of  the  Jurisdic 
tion  of  the  Vice  Admiralty  Courts  in  the  Plantations.  They  have  very 
truly  pointed  out  in  Several  Instances,  the  Illicit  Trade  now  in  prac- 

1  William  Bollan,  an  English  lawyer,  came  to  Massachusetts  in  1740;  married 
a  daughter  of  Governor  Shirley.  He  was  made  Advocate  General,  later  was  twice 
agent  of  the  Province  in  England,  and  favored  conciliation  with  the  Colonies.  He 
died  in  1776. 

8 


tice  in  New  England  and  to  which  may  be  added  Another,  namely  that 
New  England  is  principally  supply'd  with  all  their  Stationary  Ware, 
India  Goods,  &c.  immediately  from  Holland. 

My  Lords  with  Submission,  I  apprehend  besides  giving  Jurisdic 
tion  to  the  Admiralty  Courts  to  take  Cognizance  of  those  Breaches, 
now  only  Tryable  in  the  Kings  Courts  that  it  is  absolutely  Necessary 
in  order  to  Correct  these  Clandestine  practices  that  the  penalty's  of 
£100,  attending  the  Sev1.  Breaches  of  the  14th  Car;  2d.  Cap:  n.  shod. 
be  doubled,  and  Expressly  payable  in  Sterling  money ;  and  every  Master 
taking  a  false  Oath  contrary  to  the  true  meaning  of  that  Stat',  Shod. 
be  deemed  Guilty  of  wilfull  perjury  and  punished  accordingly. 

I  beg  leave  also  to  observe  to  your  Lordships  that  the  High  Duties 
imposed  on  Landing  foreign  Rum,  Sugars,  &  Mallasses,  Amount  Virtu 
ally  to  a  prohibition;  and  to  avoid  which  the  Unfair  Traders  Strain 
their  Inventions  and  are  now  become  very  Skilfull  in  the  Secret  Art 
of  Runing  which  by  Experience  Spreads  itself  into  almost  every  other 
Branch  of  Illicit  Trade ;  Whereas  if  such  Duties  were  lowered  in  pro 
portion  as  not  greatly  to  exceed  the  Contingent  Charges  of  Runing 
these  Bulky  Comodities :  I'm  Confident  the  Merchts.  wod.  never  find 
that  Acco*.  in  Exposing  themselves  to  the  Hazards  they  now  doe,  — 
and  tho'  this  may  lessen  the  Importation  of  them  and  increase  that  of 
our  Own  Manufacture,  Yet  I  may  presume  to  affirm  that  from  thence 
would  result  a  Fund  Suffic*.  to  pay  Sallaries  for  Several  preventive 
Officers  who  now  are  really  wanting  Especially  in  Rhode  Island  & 
Connecticut,  and  ye  Salary's  of  many  now  in  Comission  who  for  want 
of  Duty's  to  Collect  in  New  England  are  Virtually,  but  such  officers, 
and  at  present  a  Charge  to  the  Crown,  and  with  no  propriety  Term'd 
Collectors. 

My  Lords  in  regard  to  your  Lordships  further  Commands  con 
cerning  what  instantly  may  be  done  towards  the  Checking  this  Illicit 
Trade,  I  must  take  Notice  to  your  Lords'ps,  that  I  lately  had  the  Honr. 
of  receiving  Sev1.  Letters  from  Govr.  Shirley  wherein  he  Especially 
directs  me  to  Sollicit  the  Suppressing  this  Unatural  Corherce  destruc-- 
tive  to  the  Mother  Country;  and  accordingly  I  now  lay  before  yr. 
Lords'ps  a  Copy  of  a  Memorial  intended  to  have  been  presented  to  the 
Right  Honoble  the  Lords  Commrs.  of  the  Treasury  which  in  my  humble 
Opinion,  will  instantly  Contribute  to  the  Checking  this  Illicit  Trade, 
and  in  Order  to  do  it  Still  more  Effectually,  I  Apprehend,  It  wod.  be 
advisable  for  the  Commrs.  of  the  Customs  to  give  Directions,  for  the 
forming  two  Setts  of  Interrogatories,  Agreeable  to  the  Several  Stat5., 
The  one  for  every  Master  Entering  to  make  Answer  to  upon  Oath, 
and  the  Other  upon  Clearing,  with  proper  Blanks  to  Insert  such  an 
swers,  and  Directions  Shod.  be  transmitted  to  their  Sev1.  Officers  in 
the  Several  plantations,  to  Administer  such  Oaths  openly,  in  the  Cus- 


torn  House,  and  in  Customhouse  hours  in  the  presence  of  the  other 
officers,  and  the  Master  to  Subscribe  his  name  thereto,  in  order  to  re 
main  on  file,  the  Easier  to  Convict  him  of  Perjury  if  the  same  proves 
false.  A  Transaction  of  this  Nature,  Attended  with  such  Solemnity 
will  have  an  imediate  Tendency  towd.  removing  that  Levity  and  Rash 
ness,  wch.  at  present  Accompanies  the  Suddain  taking  those  Custom 
ary  Oaths,  (as  they  are  termed)  arising  in  a  great  Measure  as  well  from 
the  Imperfect  Substance  of  the  Oath,  as  frequently  Worded  by  an 
ignorant  officer  as  from  the  Careless  Circumstances  that  attend  ye. 
present  Administration  of  it. 

My  Lords  what  greatly  favours  this  Unlawful  Comerce  in  Rhode 
Island  and  Connecticutt  (the  former  of  wch.  I  presume  carries  on  four 
times  as  much  as  ye.  Massachusetts)  is  not  Altogether  their  more 
Advantagious  Situation;  But  the  want  of  such  officers  in  both  those 
Governmts.,  as  there  are  in  the  Massachusetts ;  in  the  first,  ye.  Collector 
is  but  a  Deputy,  the  prinicpal  never  present,  and  if  the  District  is 
Rented  Yr.  Lords'ps  may  Suppose  the  Natural  Consequences;  &  in 
both  Comptrollers  are  wanting,  such  offrs.  I  well  know,  are  Indispens 
ably  Necessary,  and  may  be  appointed  with*,  any  additional  Charge  to 
yc.  Crown,  all  wch.  is  most  humbly  Submitted  to  yr.  Lordships. 

By  My  Lords 

Yrs.  etca. 
Rob*.  Auchmuty. 

Penalties  &  Forfeitures  Attending  the  Breaches  of  the  Several 
Acts  of  Trade  Recoverable  only  in  the  Kings  Courts. 

12th  Car:  2d.  Cap  18  Sect  Ist. 

No  Goods  to  be  Imported  into  or  Exported  out  of  any  English 
plantations  but  in  English  or  Irish  Vessells  or  in  Vessells  of  that 
Country  &  ^ths  of  ye.  Mariners  to  be  English  under  the  forfeiture 
of  all  the  Goods  &  Vessel!,  One  3d.  to  his  Majesty,  One  3d  to  the 
Govr.,  and  one  3d.  to  the  Informer. 

N.  B.  This  Section  is  Enlarged  by  the  7th  &  8th  Wm.  3d  Cap :  22d. 
Sect  2d :  For  the  like  provision  is  made  for  Goods,  that  are  Carried 
from  one  Port  to  Another  in  the  Plantations  and  the  Ships  must 
be  wholly  Owned  by  the  people  of  this  Kingdom  &  Plantations. 

Sect  2d. 

No  Aliens  or  persons  not  born  within  his  Majesty's  Plant"8:  or 
Naturalized  or  made  Denizens,  shall  Exercise  the  Trade  of  a 
Merch*.  or  Factor  in  any  of  the  said  places  upon  the  Loss  of  all 
his  Goods  and  to  be  Divided  as  afores'd.  — 

10 


15th  Car.  2d.  C.  7  Sect.  7. 

No  Comodity  of  the  Growth  production  or  Manufacture  of  Europe 
shall  be  Imported  into  any  Plantation  &ca.  but  what  shall  be  bona 
fide  laden  and  Shipp'd  in  England  &ca.  under  the  forfeiture  of  Ship 
and  Goods. 

Sect  8th 

No  Ship  shall  Lade  or  Unlade  any  Goods  untill  the  Master  shall 
first  have  made  known  unto  the  Govr.  or  Naval  Officer  the  Arrival 
of  said  Ship  Navigated  &ca.,  and  Delivered  a  perfect  Inventory  of 
his  Lading  &ca.,  under  the  pain  of  the  Loss  of  the  Ship  and  the 
Cargo  not  laden  in  England  &ca. 

7  &  8  W.  3  C.  22  Sect.  2d.    4     12 

No  Goods  to  be  Imported  into  or  Exported  out  of  any  the  Planta 
tions  in  any  Ship  or  Bottom,  but  of  the  Built  of  England  Ireland 
or  the  Plantations  &  Navigated  as  therein  directed  under  the 
forfeiture  of  Ship  &  Goods. 

Sect.  13. 

Plantation  Bonds  are  Seizable  only  at  Common  Law. 

Penalties  &  Forfeitures  Attending  the  Breaches  of  the  Several 

Acts  of  Trade  Recoverable  in  the  Courts  of  Vice  Admiralty  in  the  Plan 
tations. 

12th.  Car:  2d.  C:  18  Sect.  Ist. 

Admirals  and  all  other  Commanders  of  any  the  Ships  of  War  are 
authorized  to  Seize  &  bring  in  as  prize,  all  Vessells  offending  Con 
trary  to  this  Section  and  in  Case  of  Condemnation  to  be  divided 
between  the  Captor  &  his  Majesty. 

14  Car.  2d.  C.  ii  Sect  2d. 

True  Entry's  to  be  made  upon  Oath  upon  forfeiture  of  £  100. 

N.  B.     This  is  Carried  to  the  Plantations  by  ye  7th  &  8th.  W.  3d. 

C :  22,  Sect.  6. 

Sect.  3d.    4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9,  12,  15,  16,  18,  19,  20,  22,  23,  34. 

These  Several  Sections  are  in  the  like  manner  carried  to  the  Plan 
tations  by  the  said  Stat.  Sect.  6. 

22  &  23,  C.  2  C  26.  Sect,  ii 

The  Govr.  to  take  Bond  before  any  Ship  is  Suffered  to  Load  on 
Board  any  of  the  Enumerated  Commodities  that  the  same  shall 
be  Carried  to  some  other  of  his  Majesty's  Plantations  or  to  Eng 
land  &ca.  And  that  every  Ship  that  shall  Lade  or  take  on  Board 
any  of  the  said  Commodities  before  such  Bond  is  given  or  which 
Contrary  to  the  Tenor  of  such  Bond,  shall  Carry  the  same  to  any 
other  place  than  the  said  places,  and  there  lay  the  same  on  Shore, 
shall  be  forfeited  together  with  her  Laden  one  Moyety  to  his 

ii 


Majesty  the  other  to  him  or  them  that  shall  Seize  or  Sue  for  the 
same. 
7  &  8  K.  W.  3.  Cap.  22.  Sect  8 

Notwithstanding  the  payment  of  Plantation  Duties  for  Enumera 
ted  Goods  none  to  be  Shipp'd  till  Security  given  under  the  forfei 
ture  of  Ship  &  Goods. 

N.  B.  I  conceive  By  this  Stat.  the  Admiralty  hath  not  Jurisdic 
tion  to  Try  this  forfeiture,  But  the  Admiralty  may  have  Jurisdic 
tion  to  Try  the  same  by  the  Stat.  22d.  &  23d.  Car.  2d.  Cap.  26. 
Sect.  ii. 

All  which  is  Submitted  by 

Rob1.  Auchmuty. 

Endorsement. 

Letter  from  Rob*.  Auchmuty  Esqr.  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  in  New 
England  to  this  Board  Dated  3ist.  of  May,  1743,  inclosing  an  Abstract 
of  the  penalties  &  Forfeitures  Attending  the  Sev1.  Breaches  of  the 
acts  of  Trade  comencing  the  12th  year  of  King  Cha :  ye  2d. 


Memorial  of  Judge  Auchmuty. 

To  The  Right  Honoble  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Execut 
ing  the  Office  of  Lord  High  Treasurer  of  Great  Britain  etca. 

The  Humble  Representation  of  Robert  Auchmuty  Esqr.  Judge  of 
the  Admiralty  for  his  Majestys  Provinces  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
and  New  Hampshire  in  New  England. 

Sheweth. 

That  by  the  Statute  12,  Car  2d :  Cap  :  18  Sect  n  :  It  is  Enacted,  that 
if  any  person  who  then  was  or  shall  be  made  Govr.  of  any  Lands  &ca.  in 
Africa  Asia,  or  America  by  his  Majesty  his  Heirs  or  Successors  shall 
suffer  any  foreign  Built  Ship  or  Vessells  to  Load  or  Unload  any  Goods 
or  Comodities  within  the  precincts  of  their  Governmts.  until  such  Cer 
tificate  as  therein  mentioned  be  produced  before  them  or  such  as  shall  be 
by  them  appointed  to  View  the  same  and  Examination  Whither  the  Master 
and  three  4ths.  of  the  Mariners  at  least  be  English  That  for  the  First 
offence  such  Governor  shall  be  put  out  of  his  Governm1.  Section  19,  It 
is  further  Enacted  that  all  Ships  or  Vesells  Qualified  as  aforesaid  com 
ing  to  any  of  the  Plantations  the  Govr.  of  such  English  Plantations  shall 
before  such  Ship  or  Vessell  be  permitted  to  Load  on  Board  any  of  the 

12 


Comodities  in  said  Act  Enumerated,  take  such  Bond  as  therein  directed 
that  such  Ship  or  Vessell  shall  Carry  all  the  aforesd.  Goods  to  some 
other  of  his  Majesty's  English  Plantations  or  to  Eng1.  Ireland  Wales  or 
the  Town  of  Berwick  on  Tweed,  And  that  the  said  Govr.  and  every  of 
them  shall  twice  in  Every  Year  return  true  Copys  of  such  Bonds  by 
him  so  taken  to  the  Chief  Officers  of  the  Customs  in  England. 

That  by  the  Stat.  14.  Car.  2d.  Cap  :  1 1  Sect.  15  :  It  is  Enacted  that  no 
Ship  or  Ships  Goods  Wares  or  Merchandizes  shall  be  Seized  as  forfeited 
for  or  by  reason  of  Unlawful  Importations  or  Exportations  but  by  the 
person  or  persons  who  are  or  shall  be  Appointed  by  his  Majesty  to  man 
age  his  Customs  or  Officers  of  his  Majesty's  Customs  for  the  time 
being  or  such  other  person  or  persons  as  shall  be  deputed  or  Authorized  there 
unto  by  Warrant  from  the  Lord  Treasurer,  or  Under  Treasur'.,  or  by  Special 
Comicon  from  his  Majesty  under  the  Great  or  privy  Seal. 

That  by  the  Stat.  15th  Car :  2d.  Caput  7.  Sect  8.  It's  Enacted  that  no 
Ship  or  Vessell  coming  to  any  Plantacon  &ca.  Shall  Lade  or  Unlade  any 
Goods  whatsoever  untill  the  Mar.  of  such  Ship  or  Vessell  shall  first  have 
made  known  to  the  Govr.  of  such  plantation  or  to  such  person  or  officer  as 
shall  be  by  him  thereunto  Authorised  and  Appointed  the  Arrival  of  such 
Ship  or  Vessells  with  her  name  &  sirnamc  of  her  Master  &  Comander 
and  have  shewn  to  him  that  she  is  an  English  built  Ship  Bona  fide  be 
longing  to  England  &  Navigated  with  an  English  Mas'",  and  three  4ths. 
of  the  Mariners  at  least  English  men  &  have  delivered  such  Govr.  or 
other  person  or  officer  a  true  and  perfect  Inventory  or  Invoyce  of  her 
Lading  together  with  the  place  or  places  in  which  the  said  Goods  were 
laden  and  all  such  Governors  shall  be  before  their  Entrance  upon  the 
Execution  of  such  Trust  take  a  Solemn  Oath  before  such  person  or 
^sons  as  shall  be  Authorized  by  his  Majesty  &c  to  Administer  the 
same,  to  do  their  Utmost  within  their  respective  Governmts.  to  cause  to 
be  well  and  truly  observed  what  within  said  Act  is  Enacted  in  relation 
to  the  Trade  of  such  Plantations  &ca. 

That  by  the  Stat.  22d.  &  23d.  Car  2di.  Cap  :  26.  Sect.  n.  It  is  Enacted 
that  the  Word  Ireland  shall  be  left  out  of  all  Bonds  that  shall  be  taken 
from  any  Ship  that  shall  Sail  from  England,  Ireland  Wales  for  any  Eng 
lish  Plantatation  in  America  &ca.  and  that  the  Governor  of  such  Planta 
tion  shall  before  such  Ships  be  permitted  to  Load  on  Board  any  One  of 
the  Commodities  therein  Enumerated  take  Bond  in  manner  and  to  the 
Value  mentioned  and  directed  in  the  Act  12.  Car:  2d.  Cap.  18.  and  Sect. 
12.  Its  thereby  further  Enacted  that  the  Govrs.  of  his  Majesty's  respec 
tive  planacons  do  Once  a  year  at  least  make  a  return  to  his  Majesty's 
Officers  of  his  Customs  in  the  Port  of  London  &ca.  a  List  of  all  such 
Ships  or  Vessells  as  shall  Lade  any  of  the  said  Enumerated  Commodi- 


ties  in  such  Plantations  Respively  As  also  a  List  of  all  the  Bonds 
taken  by  them. 

That  by  the  Statute  7th  &  8th.  K.  Wm.  3d.  Cap :  22d.  Sect.  4.  It  is 
Enacted  that  every  Govr.  before  his  Entrance  into  his  Government  shall 
take  a  Solemn  Oath  to  do  their  Utmost  that  all  the  Clauses  Matters  and 
things  in  the  before  recited  Acts,  As  also  in  said  Act  of  7th  &  8  K.  Wm. 
the  3d.  then  in  force  relating  to  the  Plantations  be  punctually  observed 
according  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  thereof,  which  Oath  shall  be 
taken  before  such  person  or  persons  as  shall  be  Appointed  by  his 
Majesty  &ca.  to  Administer  the  same,  and  Sect,  the  5th  its  further  En 
acted  that  the  Naval  Officer  therein  so  called  shall  give  Security  to  the 
Commrs.  of  the  Customs  in  England  for  the  true  and  faithfull  perform 
ance  of  his  Duty. 

By  an  Act  Entituled  an  Act  for  the  better  Securing  and  Encourag 
ing  the  Trade  of  his  Majesty's  Sugar  Colony's  in  America,  it  is  Enacted 
that  in  Case  any  of  the  Comodities  therein  mentioned  shall  be  Landed 
before  the  Entry  be  made  &  the  Dutys  duly  paid  &ca.  the  same  shall  be 
forfeited  and  the  same  shall  or,  may  be  Seized  by  the  Govr.  for  ye.  time 
being  &c.  July  8th.  King  Chas.  the  2d.  Grants  to  the  Colony  of  Rhode 
Island  a  Charter  Incorporating  them  and  Impowering  them  by  a  Major 
Vote  of  the  Freemen  Annually  to  Elect  a  Govr.  Lieu*.  Govr.  Assistants 
&c.  who  immediately  thereupon  fill  the  said  Offices  without  any  Appro 
bation  from  his  Majty.  or  any  other  Ceremony ;  such  Gov.  Appoints  a 
Naval  officer  for  that  year  without  any  Security  given 

That  the  Collector  of  the  Port  for  many  Years  last  past  has  not  re 
sided  there  but  farms  out  the  Same. 

Such  Govr.  therefore  being  the  Creature  of  the  people  and  his  Naval 
Officer  in  the  same  Situation,  both  liable  to  be  removed  at  the  next 
Annual  Election,  in  Case  by  any  Unpopular  Act  they  Incur  the  Dis 
pleasure  of  the  Freemen,  It  therefore  follows  that  particular  Provision 
made  by  the  Wisdom  of  the  Legislature  for  preventing  the  Breaches  of 
the  Several  Acts  as  aforesaid.  Answers  not  the  End  Intended  And  in 
fact  that  Colony  is  virtually  a  free  Port,  Ships  from  them  Go  to  Holland 
and  other  parts  and  return  without  Touching  in  England,  their  Smaller 
Vessells  Trade  to  all  the  Dutch  and  French  Colony's,  run  their  Cargoes, 
&  Sometimes  openly  Escaping  without  Impunity  All  which  is  very  De- 
tructive  to  the  Trade  &  Commerce  of  the  neighbouring  Governmts.who 
by  Nature  are  not  so  well  Situated  to  carry  on  such  Illicit  Trade  and 
have  many  Officers  who  are  Checks  on  each  other,  and  also  destructive 
to  the  Intercourse  of  Commerce  that  ought  for  ever  to  Subsist  between 
the  English  plantacons  and  their  Mother  Country,  and  renders  the  last 
mentioned  Act  useless  And  by  these  Clandestine  Means  the  Fair 
Trader  is  undersold  and  Discouraged. 


For  remedying  of  which  It's  humbly  proposed  first,  That  a  Naval 
officer  should  be  Appointed  by  Patent  giving  Security  to  the  Commrs. 
of  the  Customs,  of  wch.  there  are  Instances. 

Secondly  that  the  Several  officers  of  ye.  Admiralty  (who  are  all 
Appointed  by  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  and  not  the  Creatures  of  the 
People)  may  by  a  Warrant  from  Your  Lordships  be  Impower'd  to  make 
Seizures  for  the  Several  Breaches  of  the  Acts  of  Trade  as  well  as  the 
officers  of  the  Customs,  which  will  be  so  many  Checks  on  each  other, 
and  what  your  Lordships  are  by  the  said  Stat.  14th.  Car.  2d.  Enabled  to 
Grant. 

The  Colony  of  Connecticutt  All  of  which  &ca. 

is  in  the  like  Circumstances.  Rob*.  Auchmuty 

30th  Decr.  1742. 

Endorsement. 

Representation  of  Rob1.  Auchmuty  Esqr.  to  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury  Dated  the  3Oth.  of  Decr.  1742,  concerning  ye.  Illegal  Trade  car 
ried  on  in  New  England  &  the  Methods  proper  for  preventing  it. 

Referr'd  to  in  his  Letter  to  this  Board,  Dated  3 Ist  May  1743. 

From  fudge  Robert  Auchmuty. 

Londo.  the  23d.  Novr.  1743. 
My  Lords 

The  Govr.  of  the  Masachusetts  Bay,  the  Judge  and  Advocate  of 
his  Majesty's  Court  of  Vice  Admiralty  there,  by  their  Several  Letters 
to  Your  Lords'ps.  have  in  great  Faithfulness  humbly  demonstrated 
the  Illicit  Trade  dayly  Carried  on  in  those  parts  Especially  in  the 
Colony's  of  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticutt,  Destructive  of  the  Natural 
Dependance  those  Plantations  for  ever  ought  to  have  on  their  Mother 
Country ;  and  also  Submitted  to  your  Lordships  the  Methods  by  them 
proposed  for  Redressing  the  same :  Some  of  them  appear  to  require  a 
Parlimentary  Interposition,  others,  (till  that  can  be  obtained)  the 
immediate  Attention  of  your  Lordships,  and  Considering  the  Impor 
tance  of  the  Subject,  It's  humbly  hoped  your  Lordships  will  properly 
recommend  the  Carrying  into  present  Execution  such  of  them  as  in 
their  Nature  are  not  Attended  with  Difficulty,  lenth  of  Time  or  Addi 
tional  Charge  to  the  Crown.  (By  which  I  mean  the  Absolute  Necessity 
of  Appointing  a  Comptroller  of  his  Majesty's  Customs  in  Rhode  as 
at  Boston  in  New  England.  It 's  true  in  the  Infancy  of  that  Colony 
a  Collector  was  Conceived  Sufficient,  but  as  the  Trade  of  that  place, 
and  Chiefly  Contreband  has  within  these  few  years  prodigiously  In- 

15 


creased,  the  Duty  of  a  Comptroller  there,  is  of  as  great  Consequence 
as  in  any  other  of  his  Majesty's  Plantations,  Especially,  Considering 
that  Port  at  Present  is  filled  by  a  Deputy  Colector  who  must  be  pre 
sumed  to  Rent  the  Office  from  his  Principal ;  and  to  Render  such  an 
Officer  more  Circumspect  the  Appointment  of  his  Salary  ought  ever 
to  be  out  of  the  Seizures  made,  which  with  the  Customary  Fees  of 
office  will  be  a  Sufficient  Support.  —  I  beg  leave  further  to  observe  to 
your  Lordships,  That  diverse  Vessells  Enter  into  that  Port  from  Sun 
dry  parts  in  Europe  without  Touching  in  England,  and  also  Several  from 
Foreign  plantns.  whose  Masters  decline  taking  the  Usual  Oath  upon 
Entering,  and  Voluntarily  pay  £100,  in  Bills  of  Credit,  being  the  Nomi 
nal  penalty  Injoyned  by  the  Stat'.  tho'  not  in  Value  a  5th.  part  of  the 
Sterling  Money,  according  to  the  plain  Sense  and  meaning  of  the  Act, 
And  are  thereupon  Admitted  to  an  Entry;  others  favourably  Escape 
both,  and  Some  Send  a  Mate  to  Enter  and  Swear,  this  most  Infamous 
Practice,  in  a  great  Measure  may  be  Imputed  to  the  Want  of  due 
Solemnity  in  Administring  the  Oath  being  frequently  Tendered  in 
a  Tavern  Coffee  House  &ca.  And  the  Examination  Hurried  in  So  much 
that  many  digest  it  as  Mere  Ceremony  and  Form  :  If  therefore  a  Comp 
troller  was  appointed,  and  the  Oath  was  Solemnly  Administred  in  the 
Customhouse  Office  and  in  Custom  House  Hours  and  Subscribed  by 
by  the  Depon*.  in  the  presnce  of  the  Col1,  and  Comptroller,  If  the 
Master  was  not  Admitted  to  Swear  by  Proxy,  If  upon  Refusal 
the  penalty  of  £100,  Sterling  according  to  the  Words  and  Sence  of  the 
Legislature  was  Insisted  to  be  paid  before  Entry  made,  —  I  humbly 
conceive  these  things  will  give  an  immediate  Cheque  to  the  Illicit 
Commerce  so  Justly  Complained  of  and  openly  Carried  on  to  the  Mani 
fest  prejudice  of  the  British  Trade  and  the  Fair  Trader  all  which  is  most 
humbly  Submitted  by  my  Lords 

Y».  &ca. 


Rob1.  Auchmuty. 


Endorsement. 


Letter  from  Mr.  Auchmuty  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  in  New  Eng 
land  to  the  Board  Dated  23d.  Novr.  1743,  relating  to  the  Illicit  Trade 
carry'd  on  in  Rhode  Island  &  Connecticutt. 


16 


PAPER  CURRENCY  IN  THE  BRITISH 
PLANTATIONS  IN  AMERICA. 


Upon  some  late  Complaints  of  the  Great  Damages  Sustained  by 
the  Traders  from  Great  Britain,  and  ye  confusion  in  Business  Arising 
from  a  depreciating  fallacious  paper  Currency  in  the  British  Planta 
tions  in  America ;  The  Parliament  have  taken  this  Affair  into  Consid 
eration  :  But  as  the  Circumstances  of  the  Several  Colonies  may  be 
various  and  different  the  British  Legislature  are  pleased  to  take  time 
Maturely  to  deliberate  concerning  the  most  easy  and  effectual  Methods 
for  Sinking  and  discharging  the  same  in  all  the  British  Colonies  with 
the  least  prejudice  to  their  respective  Inhabitants,  and  Interruption  of 
ye  Comerce  of  Great  Britain. 

In  the  mean  while  to  put  a  Stop  to  the  further  growth  of  this  Evil, 
the  Parliament  Addressed  his  Majesty  to  give  Instructions  to  his  Gov 
ernors  in  the  Plantations  not  to  Assent  to  any  Act  for  Emission  of  Bills 
of  Credit  but  with  this  Saving  Clause  Viz.  That  the  same  shall  not  take 
Effect,  until  the  said  Act  shall  be  Approved  by  his  Majesty. 

To  evade  this  Some  lawless  Combinations  were  Entre'd  into  for 
forcing  a  Currency  by  large  Emissions  of  private  Bills ;  these  having 
the  same  or  a  worse  Effect,  but  not  being  under  the  restriction  of  Royal 
Instructions,  and  without  the  reach  of  any  former  Act  of  Parliament, 
The  Legislature  of  Great  Britain  found  it  requisite  to  Suppress  them 
by  a  previous  Act. 

If  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island  Acting  under  a  Charter  by  Setting 
up  Banks,  (the  name  given  in  their  Acts  to  their  Several  Emissions  of 
Loan  Money)  and  Settling  of  Fees  for  Transferrs  of  Rights,  as  they  are 
called,  do  not  fall  within  the  explicit  design  of  the  Acts  Anno  1720  & 
1741 ;  There  Seems  to  be  an  Absolute  Necessity  for  another  previous 
act  of  Parliament  to  put  a  stop  to  their  Iniquitous  Lawless  proceedings 
in  this  affair  for  the  following  Reasons ; 

Ist.  In  Neglect  or  Contempt  of  the  late  Resolves  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  Subsequent  Royal  Instructions  (having  no  accountable 

17 


Commissioned  King's  Governour)  they  proceed  more  than  ever  here 
tofore  in  Emitting  Enormous  Unnecessary  Quantities  of  this  fallacious 
fraudulent  paper  Currency,  and  by  Supplying  therewith  their  Neigh 
bouring  Governments  of  New  England,  The  Currency's  of  the  four 
Governments  of  New  England  being  promiscuous,  they  frustrate 
the  Royal  Instructions  in  these  Governments  and  render  of  none 
Effect  a  late  previous  Act  of  Parliament  against  private  Combinations, 
Emitting  of  Notes  or  bubles  for  a  Currency ;  because  in  the  Neighbour 
ing  Colonies,  the  fraudulent  Debtors  and  others  of  a  Natural  Improbity 
and  Depravity  of  Mind,  by  Collusion  and  tacit  Combinations  Continue 
to  give  to  the  Rhode  Island  Bank  Bills  a  Currency  in  the  same  manner 
as  they  did  the  Notes  or  Bills  of  a  late  Suppressed  pernicious  Combina 
tion  in  Massachusetts  Bay ;  So  that  the  Honest  Creditors  &  Factors  for 
the  Merchants  in  Great  Britain,  must  either  take  these  depreciating 
Notes,  to  their  very  great  Damage,  or  lay  out  of  their  Debts  perhaps  to 
their  total  Loss,  Insolvency  being  at  present  very  frequent;  All  the 
Reasons  made  use  of  for  Suppressing  the  late  Combination,  Called  the 
Land  Bank,  may  be  Used  with  greater  Strength  in  this  Case ;  because 
an  Incorporated  Mobb  are  capable  of  doing  more  mischef  than  a  Com 
mon  Mobb  or  Combination,  as  pretending  the  Authority  of  a  Charter 
to  Colour  and  screen  their  Iniquities. 

2d.  No  Country,  Society,  or  Single  person  can  have  an  Unlimited 
or  Indefinite  Credit ;  when  this  paper  Credit,  Exceeds  certain  Limits, 
the  more  such  Notes  are  Emitted,  the  more  their  Value  must  depre 
ciate-  But  so  it  is,-  Rhode  Island  a  Small  Colony  with  an  Imperfect 
Charter,  of  about  Twenty  thousand  Inhabitants,  Men  Women  and 
Children,  Whites  Indians  &  Negroes,  have  now  Extant  above  four 
hundred  thousand  pounds  in  their  Bills  of  Credit ;  and  are  under  no  re 
straint  from  making  more.  It  being  their  designed  Iniquitous  Advant 
age  to  depreciate  their  own  Bills,  as  will  appear  in  some  Subsequent 
reasons; — By  their  frequent  unnecessary  large  Emissions,  their  Bills 
are  become  depreciated  So  that  twenty  Shillings  Sterling,  is  equal  to 
five  pounds  and  ten  Shillings  Rhode  Island  at  present,  and  are  in  a  fur 
ther  depreciating  Course  to  a  very  Small  or  no  Value :  hence  so  much 
(which  is  almost  the  whole)  of  their  Publick  Bills  as  they  can  Circulate 
in  the  Neighbouring  Colonies  being  of  no  true  Value,  is  to  them  Clear 
Gain,  and  the  Cheat  or  loss  falls  in  the  other  provinces,  but  at  length 
terminates  upon  ye.  Merchants  of  Great  Britain,  who  for  Valuable 
Goods  Sold  by  their  Factors  here,  are  obliged  to  Accept  of  a  Currrency 
of  Small  Value  or  totally  lose  the  Debt. 

3.  Their  Ordinary  Charges  of  Governm*.  are  very  Small,  not  Ex 
ceeding  Six  hundred  pounds  Sterling  cjj}  Ann,  therefore  their  publick 

18 


Bills  are  not  for  that  End,  but  are  very  large,  &  frequent  Emissions- 
with  long  periods  upon  Loan  for  the  private  wicked  Gains  of  people  in 
their  Administration. 

First  the  Legislature,  &  their  Electors  being  generally  Debtors, 
Indigent  &  Abandoned,  find  by  Experience,  that  a  depreciating  paper 
Currency  is  an  infalible  Expedient  for  fraudulent  Debtors  to  Cheat 
their  Creditors  if  not  restrained ;  their  Creditors  here,  &  Merchants  in 
Great  Britain  will  thereby  Suffer  more  and  more ;  -  The  Risk  of  losing 
or  forfeiting  their  Charter  priviledges  is  no  restraint  upon  them ;  they 
are  taught  by  Designing  Men  Vainly  to  Imagine  that  taking  away  of 
Charters  is  Odious  to  the  People  in  Great  Britain  &  therefore  Im 
practicable. 

Secondly,  The  Sharers,  that  is  the  Legislature,  their  Electors  & 
Friends  sell  or  transferr  these  Shares  for  an  Immediate  ready  Money 
profit,  the  Shares  in  the  Loan  Anno  1738  were  Sold  for  35  ^  O.  Ad 
vance  ;  in  the  Loan  Anno  1740  at  40  <J$  c*.  Advance,  or  they  let  their 
Shares  to  their  Neighbours  and  to  the  people  in  the  Neighbouring 
Governmets  at  10  to  15  ^  C*.  <$  Ann  Interest,  They  themselves  paying 
into  the  Treasury  only  5  ^  C*.  ^  Ann  (in  the  last  Emission  being  more 
wicked  they  have  reduced  it  to  4  ^  C*.  for  10  years  &  no  Interest  for  10 
years  more. 

Thirdly,  the  Sharers  from  the  known  Nature  of  this  Depreciating 
Money,  pay  what  they  borrowed  of  the  publick  at  a  great  Discount: 
for  Instance,  of  the  Loan  Anno  1715,  when  Exchange  with  London  was 
at  65  ejf}  O.,  the  last  paym*.  was  Anno  1738,  Exchange  at  400  tp  C*. ;  that 
is  for  £100  Sterling  Value  reced  they  pay  only  £35  Sterling  Value. 

Fourthly,  the  Sharers  upon  a  Fund  of  a  Small  parcell  of  Land,  do 
continue  borrowing  of  this  publick  Money  in  indefinitum,  A  Man  may 
borrow  to  half  the  reputed  value  of  his  Land ;  for  Instance,  £500.  upon 
a  £  1000.  pounds  Worth  of  Land :  after  a  few  years  by  Multiplyed 
Emissions  Denominations  depreciate,  and  this  same  Land  becomes 
Nominally  worth  £2000,  here  is  a  Fund  for  borrowing  of  £500.  more: 
In  process  of  more  years,  the  Nominal  Value  becomes  £3000,  which  is 
a  further  Fund  for  £500. 

Fifthly  the  present  Generation  in  this  Colony  (if  their  Emissions 
did  not  fraudulently  depreciate)  do  unnaturally  and  wickedly  by  long 
periods  &  postponings  leave  a  heavy  load  of  Debt  upon  posterity,  for 
the  Sake  of  a  little  present  Money  to  Squander  away ;  So  much  paper 
Money  as  any  Colony  does  Emit,  So  much  Debt  are  they  Answerable 
for  in  themselves  &  posterity. 

Sixthly  —  There  is  one  Expedient  to  save  themselves  &  posterity, 
which  when  they  arrive  at  their  Height  of  Wickedness  (If  they  hold 


their  Charter  &  Continue  to  Abuse  it  as  at  present,  if  the  Parliament  do 
not  Interpose)  they  can  &  will  perpetrate :  All  parts  of  their  Governm1. 
Legislative  &  Executive  are  Annually  Elective,  the  Electors  who  are 
the  Debtors,  Sharers  or  borrowers  of  this  Money,  may  Chuse  such 
Gov1".,  Assistants  &  Representatives,  from  Amongst  themselves  as  may 
some  time  or  other  pass  a  kind  of  Act  of  Indemnity,  releasing  and  ac 
quitting  all  Debtors  to  the  Governm*.  that  is  themselves :  then  the  pos 
sessors  of  these  Bills,  that  is  the  few  Industrious  frugal  people,  of  New 
England,  and  the  Merchants  in  Great  Britain  by  their  Factors  here, 
will  Sustain  a  total  loss  beyond  redress. 

Seventhly,  The  Interest  of  these  publick  Loans  goes  towards  the 
Charges  of  Governm*.  Therefore  as  they  pretend  all  their  Emissions 
are  Virtually  to  defray  the  Incurred  and  accruing  publick  Charges, 
The  Iniquity  &  Falacy  of  this  pretention  Appears;  Ist  only  some  part 
of  this  Interest  is  Applyed  to  Charges  of  Governm*.  &  to  Save  taxing, 
the  Remainder  is  made  a  Dividend  of  profit  to  each  of  their  Townships. 

2.  They  have  Emitted  at  times  £50000,  &  have  now  out  upwards 
of  £40000,  whereas  the  Interest  of  £50000,  is  more  than  Sufficient  to 
Defray  all  their  Ordinary  Charges  of  Governm1. 

3.  Supposing  the  Interest  of  any  particular  Sum  of  a  Loan  was 
requisite  to  defray  publick  Charges,  by  Lowering  publick  Interest  they 
may  Increase  the  requisite  publick  principal  loan  to  any  Sum,  for 
Instance,  lower  the  Interest  on  publick  Loans  from  5  to  i  ^  C*.  <$  Ann 
it  will  require  an  Emission  of  4  times  more  publick  Bills  than  are  now 
Extant :  in  fact  by  the  Emission  Loan  of  this  year  they  have  lowered 
from  5  to  4  ^  c*.  ^  Ann. 

4.  The  longer  and  further  that  this  pernicious  paper  Currency 
is  allowed  to  take  place  in  the  plantations  the  greater  will  be  the 
trouble  &  difficulty  to  root  it  out,  and  perhaps  not  without  making 
Riots  &  other  bad  Consequences,  especially  in  that  Licentious  perverse 
Governm*.  of  Rhode  Island  who  at  ye.  same  time  when  they  Neglect, 
Contemn  &  Insult  Resolves  of  Parliam1.,  King's  Instructions  &  King's 
Officers,   do  in   an   abandoned   false   &  Hypocritical   manner   in   the 
Several  preambles  of  their   Emission  Acts,  pretend  to   the  greatest 
Submission  and  Loyalty,   (Laughing  in  the  face  of  ye.  British  Gov- 
ernm*.  while  they  Endeavour  to  Cut  the  Throat  of  its  Authority)   a 
few  Instances ; 

Ist.  In  the  preamble  to  the  Emission  Act  Anno  1715.  "Always 
"depending  upon  our  Dread  Sovereigns  Countenance  &  toleration 
"therein,  unto  whose  Royal  Commands  this  Colony  as  in  Duty  Bound, 
"will  at  all  times  readily  submit." 

2d.     In  the  Additional  Act  to  the  Emission  Act  of  Anno  1740,  they 


20 


make  some  Aniendmts.  in  sd.  Act  Viz1.  That  instead  of  one  of  these, 
equal  to  three  of  the  former,  shall  be  equal  to  four  of  the  former; 
because  not  exactly  agreeable  to  a  late  Instruction  from  ye  Lords 
Justices  of  Great  Britain. 

3d.  In  the  same  preamble,  they  very  falsely  pretend  a  Necessity 
for  Emitting  publick  Bills  (when  at  the  same  time  none  of  the  prin 
cipal  is  applicable  to  these  pretended  Extraordinary  Charges  of  Gov- 
ernm1. ;  but  is  divided  by  way  of  Loan  Amongst  the  Legislature  & 
their  Friends.) 

First  because  they  are  a  Barrier  to  the  other  parts  of  New  Eng 
land  —  N.  B.  they  have  no  Vessel  of  any  force  excepting  a  Small  Sloop, 
and  their  port  is  at  a  Considerable  distance  from  Massachusetts  Bay, 
where  is  the  Confluence  of  Trade ;  by  Land  they  are  Encompassed  & 
protected  from  the  Indians  by  the  other  provinces  of  New  England, 
and  do  not  Contribute,  towards  our  Indian  Wars. 

Secondly,  a  Constant  Charge  Attends  the  Inhabitants  of  this 
Colony,  above  other  parts  of  New  England. 

NB.  The  Charges  of  their  Neighbouring  Provinces  of  Massachu 
setts  Bay  is  at  all  times  at  least  ten  times  more  than  that  of  Rhode 
Island,  with  not  half  the  Quantity  of  Massachusetts  publick  Bills 
extant.1 

1  Upon  submitting  this  paper  to  Mr.  Andrew  McFarland  Davis,  an  expert  in 
the  subject,  he  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  it  was  a  memorial,  prepared  in  1741, 
an  1  either  written  by  William  Douglass,  the  author  of  "A  discourse  concerning  the 
currencies  of  the  British  plantations  in  America,"  or  was  based  upon  material 
obtained  from  him. 


21 


BOSTON    IN    1775. 

A  LETTER 
From  Jesse  Lukens  to  John  Shaw,  Jr. 


Prospect  Hill  Septr.  13th  1775 
Dear  Shaw 

I  had  this  morning  the  honor  of  yours  by  Mr.  Lawrence  —  Why 
you  dear  dog,  was  there  not  time  enough  from  the  2ist.  to  the  29th  of 
Augt.  to  write  more  than  7  lines?  And  those  7  to  inform  me  you 
intended  to  have  sent  me  4%  lines  by  Captain  Wharton  —  If  we  were 
not,  as  I  apprehend,  on  the  eve  of  some  important  event,  you  should 
receive  a  Rowland  for  your  ny2  lines;  but  as  the  case  now  stands  & 
God  only  knows  what  a  chasm  there  may  be  in  our  Correspondence, 
will  forget  your  unkind  negligence  &  excuse  you  on  the  supposition 
that  the  Lovely  Widow,  had  some  willing  commands  for  you  to  exe 
cute,  &  you  know  I  allow  every  thing  to  give  way  to  her  Supremacy.  — 

I  suppose  Patton  received  a  confused  heap  of  Lines  wrote  the  Day 
we  took  possession  of  Plow'd  Hill,  while  the  thundering  of  Cannon  & 
whizing  of  24  Ib.  Bullets  took  up  much  of  the  attention  of  an  unfleshed 
Soldier  —  he  must  on  that  score  excuse  all  faults  —  That  was  on  Sun 
day  —  in  the  evening  the  fire  of  the  Artillary  ceased  and  on  Monday 
morning  we  saw  the  Red  Coats  busy  in  throwing  up  a  Parapet  within 
their  former  Lines,  but  so  much  higher  on  the  Hill  that  the  Cannon 
mounted  there  could  fire  at  the  same  time  &  over  those  they  had  fired 
with  on  Sunday — this  new  Parapet  had  six  Embrasures —  On  Monday 
evening  they  threw  four  Bombs  from  their  new  Battery  &  a  few  Guns 
from  it,  the  old  Battery  &  the  Mud  Lark  in  Mystic  River  without  doing 
any  harm  —  Over  against  Bunker  Hill  on  the  other  side  of  Mystic 
River  is  Winnisimit  Hill  at  the  foot  [of]  wch.  stands  a  large  House  & 
Farm  called  Chelsea,  here  we  have  ab*.  200  men  as  a  Guard,  but  no 
Works  or  Cannon.  On  the  side  of  Bunker  Hill  next  here  &  in  full 
view,  is  the  Regular  Tents,  being  on  the  opposite  side  &  out  of  the  way 
of  our  Guns  on  Prospect  &  Plowed  Hills  —  On  the  Top  of  this  Win- 

22 


nisimmit  Hill  we  had  a  parcel  of  straw,  etc.  to  set  fire  to  as  a  signal 
whenever  they  saw  the  Regulars  in  motion  —  Accordingly  on  Tues 
day  about  10  o'Clock  we  saw  the  Fire,  our  Drums  beat  to  Arms,  all 
our  lines  were  mann'd  —  &  we  Riflers  were  left  at  full  liberty  to  range 
at  large  &  take  what  ground  we  pleased  —  Col  Thompson  therefore 
posted  us  in  the  Seat  of  honor,  that  is,  between  all  our  Works  & 
Bunker  Hill,  behind  Stone  Walls  &  in  the  Indian  Corn  patches,  to 
receive  and  return^with  Interest  their  first  fire  &  I  think  it  impossible 
for  men  to  behave  better  than  Our  Riflers  did  —  300  of  them  lay  in  a 
meadow,  in  full  View  of  Bunker  hill  &  with  in  Point  Blank  Shot  — 
"before  their  Eyes  in  opposition  sat  grim  death."  altho  we  lay  in  this 
position  &  the  Officers  with  myself  were  walking  about,  viewing  and 
marking  the  most  advantageous  ground  to  act  upon  they  fired  but 
seven  large  Guns  &  30  or  40  Plattoons  of  Small  arms  all  the  Day, 
some  of  which  knocked  the  stones  about  our  Ears  but  hurt  none  of  us 
except  one  man  a  slight  wound  in  the  thigh  —  One  24  Pounder  flew 
over  our  heads  &  killed  a  poor  fellow  walking  along  the  Road  half  a 
mile  behind  us  —  The  alarm  proving  false,  we  marched  home  about 
sunset  &  our  Generals  placed  a  strong  Guard  of  Musket  Men  in  the 
lines,  since  which  every  thing  in  that  Quarter  hath  been  quiet  —  we 
call  6,  8  &  10  Guns  a  Day  nothing  &  3  or  4  Bombs  are  only  sport,  just 
enough  to  keep  us  from  falling  asleep  —  We  have  had  several  De 
serters  from  Roxbury  &  from  the  Mud  Lark  in  Mystic  —  4  poor  fel 
lows  came  off  at  one  time  &  swam  to  shore  unhurt,  amidst  a  thousand 
Shot,  tho'  they  say  it  was  agreed  with  their  companions  left  on  board 
to  fire  over  their  Heads.  —  You  must  now  set  down  a  few  false  alarms 
wch.  took  us  out  of  our  Beds  into  the  trenches  at  midnight,  &  some 
other  matters  of  no  great  moment,  until  last  Sunday,  &  I  feel  myself 
blush  with  shame  and  indignation  at  what  I  am  forced  to  relate. 

Our  Camp  is  Separate  from  all  others  ab*.  100  yards  —  all  our 
Courts  Martial  and  duty  was  seperate  —  we  were  excused  from  all 
working  parties,  Camp  Guards,  &  Camp  duty  —  this  indulgence  to 
gether  with  the  remissness  of  discipline  &  care  in  our  young  Officers 
had  rendered  the  men  rather  insolent  for  good  Soldiers  —  they  had 
twice  before  broke  open  our  Guard  House  &  released  their  Companions 
who  were  confined  there  for  small  crimes  —  &  once  when  an  Offender 
was  brought  to  the  Post  to  be  whipped,  it  was  with  the  utmost  diffi 
culty  they  were  kept  from  rescuing  him  in  the  presence  of  all  their 
Officers  —  They  openly  Damn'd  them  &  behaved  with  great  insolence 
-  however  the  Col  was  pleased  to  pardon  the  man  &  all  remained 
quiet  —  but  on  Sunday  last  the  Adjutant  having  confined  a  Serjeant 
for  neglect  of  duty  &  murmering  —  the  men  began  again,  &  threatened 
to  take  him  out  —  the  Adjutant  being  a  man  of  Spirit,  seized  the 
principal  Mutineer  &  put  him  in  also  —  &  coming  to  report  the  matter 

23 


to  the  Col,  where  we  all  sitting  after  dinner,  were  alarmed  with  a 
Huzzaing  &  upon  going  out  found  they  had  broke  open  the  Guard 
House  &  taken  the  man  out  —  The  Col  &  Lieut.  Col  with  several  of 
the  Officers  &  Friends  seized  the  fellow  from  amongst  them  &  ordered 
a  guard  to  take  him  to  Cambridge  at  the  Main  Guard  which  was  done 
without  any  violent  opposition,  but  in  ab1.  20  minutes  32  of  Capt  Ross's 
Company  with  their  loaded  Rifles,  swore  by  G-d  they  would  go  the 
Main  Guard  &  release  the  man  or  loose  their  lives  &  set  off  as  hard 
as  they  could  run  —  it  was  in  vain  to  attempt  stoping  them  —  We 
stayed  in  Camp  and  kept  the  others  quiet —  Sent  word  to  General 
Washington,  who  reinforced  the  Guard  to  500  men  with  fixed  Bay 
onets  &  loaded  pieces  —  Col  Hitchcock's  Reg4,  (being  the  one  next 
us)  was  ordered  under  arms  &  some  part  of  General  Greens  Brigade 
(As  the  Generals  were  determined  to  subdue  by  force  the  mutineers 
&  did  not  know  how  far  it  might  spread  in  our  Battalion)  Generals 
Washington,  Lee,  &  Green  came  immediately,  &  our  32  mutineers  who 
had  gone  about  half  a  mile  towards  Cambridge  &  taken  possession  of 
a  Hill  &  Woods,  begining  to  be  frighted  at  their  proceedings,  wrere 
not  so  hardened  but  upon  the  General's  ordering  them  to  Ground  their 
arms  they  did  it  immediately  —  The  General  then  ordered  another 
of  our  Company s  (Capt  Nagles)  to  surround  them  with  their  loaded 
Guns  which  was  immediately  done,  and  did  the  Company  great  honor 
-  however  to  convince  our  people  (as  I  suppose,  mind)  that  it  did  not 
altogether  depend  upon  themselves,  he  ordered  part  of  Col  Hitchcocks 
and  Col  Littles  Regiments  to  surround  them  with  their  Bayonets  fixed 
and  ordered  two  of  the  ring  leaders  to  be  bound  —  I  was  glad  to  find 
our  men  were  all  true  and  ready  to  do  their  duty  except  these  32 
Rascals  —  26  were  conveyed  to  the  Quarter  Guard  on  Prospect  Hill 
and  6  of  the  principals  to  the  Main  Guard.  —  You  cannot  conceive 
what  disgrace  we  are  all  in  &  how  much  the  General  is  chagrined  that 
only  one  Regiment  should  come  from  the  Southward  &  that  set  so 
infamous  an  example ;  and  in  order  that  idleness  shall  not  be  a  further 
bane  to  us,  the  General  Orders  on  Monday  were  "that  Col  Thompsons 
Regiment  shall  be  upon  all  parties  of  Fatague  (working  parties)  & 
do  all  other  Camp  duty  equal  with  any  other  Regiment" 

The  men  have  since  been  tried  by  a  General  Court  Martial  and 
convicted  of  Mutiny  —  &  were  only  fined  2O/.  each  for  the  use  of  the 
Hospital  —  too  small  a  punishment  for  so  base  a  crime  —  &  mitigated 
no  doubt  on  account  of  their  having  come  so  far  to  serve  the  Cause  & 
its  being  the  first  crime  —  The  Men  are  returned  to  their  Camp, 
seem  exceedingly  sorrow  for  their  misbehaveour  &  promise  amend 
ment.  —  This  will  I  hope  awaken  the  attention  of  our  officers  to 
their  duty  (for  to  their  remissness  I  charge  our  whole  disgrace)  &  the 
men  being  employed  will  yet  no  doubt  do  honor  to  their  province  — 

24 


for  this  much  I  can  say  for  them  that  upon  every  alarm  it  was  impos 
sible  for  men  to  behave  with  more  readiness  or  attend  better  to  their 
duty  —  it  is  in  the  Camp  only  that  we  cut  a  poor  figure  —  tomorrow 
morning  or  some  time  in  the  Day  may  perhaps  restore  our  honor,  if 
we  behave  in  the  Day  of  Battle  as  well  as  I  hope  we  shall  —  you  must 
know  that  this  is  a  conjecture  of  my  own  &  founded  on  no  better  ma 
terials  than  a  poor  unexperienced  judgment.  — 

On  Monday  last  Col  Arnold  having  chosen  1000  effective  men, 
Consisting  of  two  Companies  of  Rifle  men  (about  140)  the  remainder 
Musketeers,  set  off  for  Quebec  as  it  is  given  out  (&  which  I  really 
believe  to  be  their  destination),  for  we  have  intelligence  that  the  In 
dians  except  30  have  deserted  from  General  Carleton  &  that  he  hath 
not  more  than  700  effective  men  in  Canada  all  which  except  one  Com 
pany  is  at  St.  John's  &  Montreal  to  oppose  General  Schuyler —  If 
this  should  be  the  Case  &  Col  Arnold  meet  with  a  ready  march,  Quebec 
will  undoubtedly  fall  into  our  Hands  —  for  those  people  who  have 
gone  to  sound  the  disposition  of  the  Inhabitants  report  that  they  are 
generally  in  our  Favour,  &  that  no  opposition  will  be  given  by  the 
country  to  our  measures.  I  accompanied  on  foot  as  far  as  the  Town 
of  Lynn  (9  miles)  Doctr.  Coates  who  goes  as  Surgeon,  Mr.  Matt. 
Duncan,  Mr.  Melcher  &  several  other  Southern  gentlemen  as  Volun- 
tiers  —  ^  here  I  took  leave  of  them  with  a  wet  eye  —  the  Drums  beat 
&  away  —  they  go  as  far  as  Newberry  Port  by  Land  from  there  they 
go  in  Sloops  to  Kennebeck  River,  up  it  in  Batteaux  &  have  a  carrying 
place  of  abt.  40  miles  (over  which  they  must  carry  on  their  Shoulders 
their  Batteaux  &  Baggage  —  Scale  the  Walls  and  spend  the  winter  in 
joy  and  festivity  amongst  the  sweet  Nuns. —  Yesterday  the  wind 
being  high  &  the  Tide  driving  in,  a  Boat  with  a  Serjeant  &  5  men 
drove  ashore  and  were  taken  by  our  people  —  the  Serjeant  seems  a 
very  intelligent  person  for  his  station  —  he  says  a  Vessel  arived  at 
Boston  a  few  days  before  &  brought  answers  to  letters  sent  out  after 
the  Bunker  Hill  Battle,  but  knows  nothing  of  what  they  contain  —  he 
says  that  he  was  Orderly  Serjeant  a  few  days  ago,  and  saw  in  Major 
Sheriffs  Office  (Muster  Master  or  Commissary)  a  return  of  the  killed 
and  wounded  at  Bunker  hill,  being  1435  men.  —  It  is  amazing  to  me 
that  so  many  were  hurt  there  —  for  not  more  than  700  of  our  Men 
were  in  the  Battle,  but  the  most  of  them  fired  30  rounds,  as  they  say 
—  I  must  from  this  conclude  that  they  will  hardly  attempt  our  Lines 
in  the  Day  time,  or  without  a  very  heavy  set  of  Artillary.  — 

Saturday  i6th  Prospect  Hill 

Here  we  are  yet  &  all  as  peaceable  as  so  many  Lambs.  I  began 
this  letter  in  the  evening  &  as  we  were  ordered  to  lie  on  our  Arms 

25 


kept  on  scribling  until  i  o'Clock  —  On  Thursday  at  firing  the  morn 
ing  Gun  we  were  ordered  to  Plow'd  Hill,  where  we  lay  all  that  day  — 
I  took  my  paper  &  Ink  along  as  you  once  desired  I  would,  but  found 
so  much  to  do  beside  writing,  that  you  had  only  a  few  lines  manufac 
tured  (in  the  face  of  18  battering  Cannon)  on  a  pile  of  timber  intended 
for  a  Bomb-proof  &  just  where  you  see  the  ^  a  Bullet  from  the  Foway 
disconcerted  all  my  Ideas,  altho'  it  did  not  come  near  me.  —  I  tho't 
the  Banquette  a  safer  place  &  took  my  station  accordingly  just  in  the 
Angle  of  a  Traverse  &  was  as  safe  as  a  thief  in  a  mill  —  but  there  was 
too  much  noise  for  writing  &  the  Generals  appearing  in  sight  I  tho't 
it  not  quite  so  decent  a  Posture  of  a  SOLDIER,  thrust  my  writing 
materials  under  an  old  Blanket,  Shouldered  my  firelock,  and  strutted 
with  all  the  parade  of  a  careful  Lad.  —  a  deserter  is  just  taken  in  to 
General  Greens  —  I  attend  &  will  inform  you  what  he  says  —  a  good 
hearty  looking  Lad  from  Limerick  —  it  is  deserters  intelligence  there 
fore  place  what  Credit  to  it  you  please  —  he  informs  that  there  are 
3000  men  on  Bunker  hill  —  that  all  the  Grenedier  and  Light  Infantry 
Companies  are  made  up  to  their  full  complement  &  encamped  there  — 
all  the  Light-Horse  he  says  are  also  on  the  Hill  —  but  that  they  have 
no  intention  of  coming  out  &  keep  very  strong  picquets  every  night 
to  prevent  our  surprising  them  —  that  great  numbers  of  deserters 
would  come  over,  but  the  Soldiers  are  made  to  believe  that  a  compact 
is  agreed  on  between  ours  and  their  Generals  to  give  up  all  deserters 
at  the  end  of  the  Campaign,  &  that  they  will  hang  without  mercy  all 
such  as  desert  from  them  —  he  also  says  there  is  a  great  coolness  be 
tween  the  Irish  &  English  Soldiers,  but  I  am  apt  to  believe  without 
any  foundation  —  he  say  there  are  Barracks  going  to  be  built  on 
Bunker  Hill  immediately,  by  wch.  we  conclude  they  intend  wintering 
there,  &  that  there  is  talk  of  6  Regiments  coming  over  to  reinforce 
them  —  but  that  the  people  of  Ireland  have  stoped  the  Artillary  &  all 
their  recruits  —  so  much  for  this  Lad  —  One  came  out  this  morning 
from  Roxbury  &  brings  nearly  the  same  intelligence  except  that  he. 
say's  they  are  to  give  us  Battle  tomorrow,  which  we  are  always  pre 
pared  for  but  don't  believe  a  word  of  —  they  will  not  catch  us  asleep 
come  when  they  please. 

I  hate  all  hasty  conclusions,  &  therefore  am  pleased  with  the  mod 
esty  of  my  expressions  in  regard  to  the  Battle  I  prophecyed  on  Thurs 
day  last —  I  had  many  concuring  circumstances  in  regard  to  their 
uncommon  movements  to  suspect  something  was  going  on  —  but  as 
nothing  has  been  done,  shall  only  say  in  future  what  hath  been  actu 
ally  done  &  not  what  may  probably  happen. 

I  have  many  things  that  I  could  write  &  which  I  know  would 

give  you  pleasure,  or  at  least  a  right  idea  of  this  Army  of  20,000  men 

-  but  it  would  not  do  that  the  Letter  should  fall  by  accident  into  the 

26 


hands  of  infidels  or  the  Heathen  —  such  Sermons,  such  Negroes,  such 
Colonels  such  Boys  &  such  Great  Great  Grandfathers.  — 

This  I  may  safely  say,  that  such  a  cursed  set  of  sharpers  cannot 
be  matched  —  every  article  of  convenience  or  necessaries,  are  raised 
to  double  the  former  price  —  but  I  hope  a  proper  enquiry  will  be  made 
before  the  accounts  are  passed  —  and  that  whatever  falsehoods  their 
news-papers  may  be  stuffed  with  will  be  disregarded. 


Sunday  Evening 

All's  well.  —  From  my  Tent  door  on  this  Hill  I  have  a  full  view 
of  all  the  Enemies  Batteries  &  Works  on  Boston  neck  &  also  our  own ; 
about  8  o'Clock  this  morning  I  saw  a  small  Cannonade  begun  by  our 
people  with  two  large  Guns  &  were  immediately  answered  by  two 
from  our  Antagonists  —  our  people  gave  them  about  a  dozen  more  & 
only  received  3  in  return.  What  the  matter  was,  or  what  occasioned 
so  small  a  spell  of  smart  firing  I  have  not  had  curiosity  to  enquire  — 
for  I  have  been  so  busy  in  hearing  a  most  excellent  Sermon  from  our 
Dear  Mr.  [Samuel]  Blair  &  in  viewing  some  works  on  Leechmore 
point  (I  might  as  well  have  said  Cul  de  Sac  for  anything  you  will  under 
stand  by  it)  that  I  had  not  before  an  opportunity  of  examining  with 
attention  -  -  that  I  am  tired  &  sleepy  wch  you  have  no  doubt  con 
cluded  before  you  were  informed.  — 


Monday  Morning 

I  am  just  informed  by  one  of  our  Officers  that  General  Schuyler 
hath  taken  St.  Johns  by  assault  with  only  the  loss  of  300  men  &  that 
he  hath  taken  1700  Prisoners  —  this  being  post  day  I  set  off  for  Cam 
bridge  &  if  the  news  is  true  will  put  this  in  the  Post  Office  contrary 
to  my  first  intention  to  send  it  by  Mr.  Willing,  but  as  there  is  no  know 
ing  when  he  will  set  off,  cannot  keep  such  good  news  from  you  a  mo 
ment.  — 

Noarth  who  informs  me  he  is  writing  to  you  is  to  relate  all  the 
little  nannygotes  with  that  humour  wch  will  make  them  agreeable  — 
my  department  is  meer  matters  of  fact. 

Since  I  wrote  the  last  two  lines  20  cannon  have  been  fired  at  Rox- 
bury  &  they  are  firing  now  ding  dong.  — 


Gen.  Washingtons   n  o'Clk 

The  above  St.  Johns  account  is  all  a  falsehood  from  first  to  last,  & 
now  I  set  my  nose  to  Roxbury  &  will  inform  you  why  the  Serpents 
fire  so  very  briskly  at  Roxbury  — 

27 


Roxbury  i  o'  Clock 

I  met  on  my  way  hither  a  Bror  Voluntier  Mr.  Dan'l  Dorsey  of  Mary 
land  who  informs  me  he  is  going  to  leave  the  Camp  tomorrow  morn 
ing  for  your  city  —  the  firing  at  this  place  was  not  occasioned  by  any 
uncommon  movement  but  just  by  the  way  of  Sport  —  We  fired  no 
Guns  this  morning  —  nor  by  100  Guns  wch.  they  have  fired  hath  one 
man  been  killed  or  hurt,  altho'  the  Guard  House  &  other  Houses  full 
of  men  have  been  shot  thro'  &  thro*  —  The  wind  of  a  24  Pounder 
knocked  down  a  man  &  horse,  struck  the  Limb  of  an  apple  tree  & 
threw  it  against  Dr.  Hubley  knocked  him  down  &  did  none  of  them 
any  kind  of  harm,  except  frightening  them  soundly.  — 


Peacock,  Jamaica  Plains  4  o'Clk 

The  firing  at  Roxbury  hath  ceased  &  all  is  quiet  again.  I  came  here 
from  Roxbury  with  some  of  the  Rifle  Gentn.  of  that  Division  to  ask 
Capt  Cresap  how  he  does  who  lies  here  sick,  &  for  no  other  reason 
as  Smith  can  well  inform  you  —  Mr.  Conner  is  with  me  &  begs  his 
Complements  be  put  in  to  you  &  the  Club  &  if  I  know  any  thing  of  the 
matter,  you  might  with  ALL  HIS  HEART,  present  them  to,  [some 
words  struck  out]  if  mortal  man  can  say  which  that  is  —  &  now  to 
conclude  if  all  this  will  not  draw  a  line  from  you  I  can  only  say  you 
are  a  very  Lazy  fellow,  or  that  the  Widow  hath  an  undue  influence 
on  the  friend  of 

Your  Hble  Serv* 

JESSE  LUKENS 

You  need  not  write  as  I  set  off  from  here 
before  yours  can  possibly  leave  Philada.  — 

To  Mr.  John  Shaw  Jr 


28 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON. 
NUMBER  TWO. 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES. 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  TWO. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON. 
NUMBER  TWO. 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES. 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  TWO. 


The  Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Boston:  Printing  Department,  March,  1902. 


CONTENTS. 


BOUNDS  BETWEEN  BOSTON  AND  CHARLESTOWN. 

From  a  MS.  in  the  Writing  of  Edward  Rawson  I 

AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  COUNCIL,  1743. 

Trial  of  the  Reverend  Daniel  Bliss  of  Concord,  Massachusetts       2 

PHILIP  DODDRIDGE. 

To  his  Wife,  July  21,  1747  7 

LORD  COLVILLE. 

To  the  Selectmen  of  Boston,  May  18,  1752  10 

MINISTER'S  SALARY  AT  LEBANON,  CONNECTICUT,  1758  10 

PETITION  ON  THE  CANADIAN  FISHERIES,  1772  n 

"BOSTON  MASSACRE,"  1770. 

John  Adams's  Notes  on  the  Trial  of  the  British  Soldiers  13 
Letters  to  the  Committee  of  Boston : 

From  Catharine  Macaulay,  May  9,  1770  20 

From  William  Bollan,  May  n,  1770  21 

From  Thomas  Pownall,  May  n,  1770  22 

JAMES  COGSWELL. 

To  Levi  Hart,  "Camp  in  Roxbury,"  June  15,  1775  24 

EZRA  SELDEN. 

To  Nathan  Hale,  "Roxbury  Camp,"  June  25,  1775  25 

GOVERNOR  GEORGE  Ross. 

To  Col.  James  Burd  and  the  Officers  and  Privates  of  his 

Battalion,  Reading,  Dec.  16,  1776  26 

FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE. 

Continental  Board  of  War  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland, 

Jan.  17,  1778  27 

WILLIAM  WHIPPLE. 

To  Josiah  Bartlett,  May  21,  1779  28 

«. 

IX 


ADDRESS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  REGIMENTS  TO  MAJOR  GENERAL 

WILLIAM  HEATH,  HIGH  LANDS,  AUGUST,  1779  30 

PHILIP  MAZZEI. 

To  Thomas  Jefferson,  April  21,  1780  35 

JOHN  JAY. 

To  Silas  Deane,  Nov.  I,  1780  37 

To  Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  Jan.  13,  1789  38 

WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL. 

To  -    -  Harrison,  June  18,  1781  39 

THE  MOSQUITO  SHORE. 

Four  Letters  of  Lord  North  to  Governor  Campbell  of 

Jamaica,  Sept.-Nov.,  1783  40 

JOHN  BROWN,  THE  ABOLITIONIST. 

To  Simon  Perkins,  Nov.  24,  1847  43 

To  Same,  May  I,  1849  44 

To  Same,  Jan.  26,  1852  46 

To  Dr.  Jesse  Bowen,  March  3,  1859  47 


x 


BOUNDS  BETWEEN  BOSTON  AND 
CHARLESTOWN. 


From  a  MS.  in  the  writing  of  Edward  Rawson,  in  the  Public  Library  of  the 

City  of  Boston. 


Rawson's  MS. 

Att  A  Generall  Court,  held  at  New 
Towne  6  May  1635 

N°  240.  The  bounds  betweene 
Boston,  and  Charles  Towne  arje 
from  the  Creeke  along  in  ye 
Creeke  vpwards  in  the  same  till 
wee  come  to  a  little  neck  of  land 
that  come  from  the  east  side  of 
the  same  neck;  there  the  first 
stake  stands  a  litle  on  ye  east 
side  of  it,  and  from  thence  to  a 
marked  tree  at  the  Foote  of  the 
marish  Agreed  vppon  of  all  Sides, 
and  from  that  tree  to  another  that 
lyeth  right  opposite  over  a  hill, 
and  from  thence  to  a  high  tall 
Pine,  that  stands  vppon  a  point 
of  Rock,  on  the  side  of  the  high 
way.  to  misticke.  other  side  of 
Rumney  marish;  and  from  out 
side;  to  outside  by  a  streight 
line: 

3$  John  Holgrave. 

This  is  A  true  copie  taken  out 
of  the  Court  Records  as  Attests 
Edward  Rawson   secfety 


As  printed  by  Shurtleff. 
vol  I,  p.  150. 

[8  July,  1635.] 

The  bounds  betweene  Boston 
&  Charlestowne  are  from  the 
creeke  along  the  creeke  vpward 
in  the  same  till  wee  come  to  a 
little  neck  of  land  that  come  from 
the  east  side  of  the  same  neck: 
there  the  first  stake  stands  a  little 
on  the  east  side  of  it.  &  from 
thence  to  a  mrked  tree  at  the  foote 
of  the  marsh  agreed  vpon  of  all 
sides,  &  from  that  tree  to  another 
that  lye  right  opposite  over  a  hill, 
&  from  thence  to  a  high,  tall  pine, 
that  stands  vpon  a  point  of  rock, 
on  the  side  of  the  high  way  to 
Mistick  <  ,  other  side  of 
Rumney  Marsh,  &  from  outside 
to  outside  by  a  straight  line.  | 
^  John  Holgrave. 


1  The  manuscript  differs  somewhat  from  the  printed  "Records  of  the  Gov 
ernor  and  Company  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England,"  edited  by  Shurt 
leff,  with  which  a  full  comparison -may  be  made.  The  difference  in  the  dates 
assigned  to  the  first  entry  is  curious,  but  the  Rawson  copy  is  probably  the  more 
correct. 


Rawson's  MS. 

Att  A  Generall  Court  held  at  New 

Towne  Septemb  2.  1635. 
The  28th  of  the  first  month  1636. 
Agreed  by  vs.  whose  names  are 
vnder  written  that  the  bounds, 
betweene  Boston,  and  Charles 
Towne,  on  the  northeast  side  of 
Misticke  River,,  shall  Runne  from 
the  marked  tree  uppon  the  Rocky 
hill  above  Rumney  marish.  neere 
the  written  tree  north  north  west ; 
vppon  a  streight  lyne  by  a  meri 
dian  Compass  vp  into  the  coun 
try:  N°  259 

Abraham  Palmer 
Wm  Cheesborough 
Wm.  Spencer 

This  is  a  true  Copie  taken  out 
of  the  Court  booke  of  Records  as 
Attests 

Edward  Rawson  secrety 


Shurtleff,  vol  I,  p.  162. 

The  28th.  day  of  the  first  moneth, 

1636. 

Agreed  by  vs,  whose  names  are 
vnder  written,  that  the  bounds  be 
tweene  Boston  &  Charles  Towne, 
on    the    nor    east    syde    Misticke 
Ryver,  shall  run  from  the  fhked 
tree   vpon    the   rocky    hill    above 
Rumney  Marshe,  neere  the  writ 
ten  tree  nore-nore  west  vpon   a 
straight  lyne  by  a  meridean  com- 
pas  vpp  into  the  countrie.  | 
Abraham   Palmer 
Will"1  Cheesebrough 
Willm  Spencer. 


AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  COUNCIL,    1743. 


Trial  of  the  Reverend  Daniel  Bliss  of  Concord,  Massachusetts. 

An  ecclesiastical  Council  consisting  of  the  Elders  &  other  Dele 
gates  of  14  Churches  of  Christ,  viz.  ye  first  Church  in  Ipswhich,  ye 
first  Church  in  York,  ye  West  Chuh  In  Sudbury,  ye  Church  in  Wes- 
ton,  ye  first  Church  in  Middlebury,  The  third  Church  in  Ipswich,  yc 
Church  in  Newton,  ye  first  Chh  in  Cambridge,  ye  Second  Church  in 
Boston,  ye  Church  in  Waltham,  The  first  Church  in  Bradford,  ye 
Church  in  Medford,  ye  Church  in  Sutton,  &  ye  Church  in  Grafton  Con 
vened  in  Concord  Sepr  13th  1743  at  ye  Request  of  ye  Church  of  Christ 
there,  on  ye  ac'ount  of  ye-  Unhappy  differrences  Which  had  been  for 
Some  Considerable  Time  Subsisting  among  them  occasioned  by  Sun- 
dery  exceptions  made  against  ye  Doctrine,  Discipline  &  Conduct  of  ye 
Red.  Pastor  of  Sd  Church.  After  Solem  &  repeated  prayer  to  God  &  a 
full  &  Impartial  hearing  of  all  Parties  &  Persons  Presenting  them 
selves  Before  us,  &  After  a  very  mature  consideration  &  debate  upon  ye 
Several  Articles  of  Charge  offerred  against  him,  with  ye  Several  Evi 
dences  exhibited  for  ye  Support,  as  also  ye  vindication  made  By  y4 
Red.  Mr  Bliss  &  ye  Chh  in  answer  thereto.  Came  into  ye  following 
Result. 


I.  On  ye  15  Articles  of  Charge  which  had  been  by  ye  aggreived  Laid 
before  ye  Church. 

1.  As  to  ye  first  it  was  Voted  y*  without  entring  upon  a  full  de 
termination  Concerning  ye  Conduct  of  ye  Pastor  &  Chh  relating  to 
Ezekeil  Miles  And  his  wife,  which  primarily  happened  through  indis 
tinct  apprehensions  on  both  Sides  referring  to  ye  Covenant  of  Grace 
&  it's  Seals  &  which  we  are  sorry  hath  had  Such  unhappy  effects,  we 
Wou'd  now  advise  y1  they  offer  a  Relation  wherein  they  Shall  more 
Fully  express  their  faith  &  repentance  &  Manifest  an  humble  Spirit 
for  their  own  Stiffness  &  misconduct,  &  y*  ye  Chh  with  a  Spirit  of 
Candor  &  Charity  receive  them  into  their  Communion 

2.  As  to  ye  Second  Article  wherein  they  Say  they  think  he  hath 
wronged  ye  Truth,  Voted,     i.  That  Mr.  Bliss  expressions  about  The 
Church  Book  is  a  faulty  Evasion  of  ye  Truth,  for  which  He  ought  to 
make  Christian  Satisfaction.    Voted  2.  That  altho  It  appeared  by  ye 
Evidence  of  Mrs.  Trowbridge  &  her  son,  And  from  what  was  further 
Said  upon  ye  hearing,  yt  Mr  Bliss  Utterred  an  untruth,  yet  we  Chari 
tably  hope  y*  it  was  done  thro  precipitancy  or  mistake. 

3.  As  to  ye  3d  Article,  Voted  y*  it  appears  to  ye  Council  by  the 
Evidence  offered,  yl  Mr.  Bliss  in  his  Expressions  about  ye  Covenant 
of  Grace  &  ye  Seals  of  it  delivered  himself  in  an  indistinct  &  Unsafe 
manner,  so  y*  we  have  reason  to  think  his  Sentiments  were  also  indis 
tinct  &  obscure ;  but  are  glad  to  find  in  what  he  has  off er'd  to  ye  Coun 
cil  y*  his  thots  are  now  agreeable  to  ye  Scripture.  - 

4.  As  to  Article  4th  his  saying  yi  John  ye  Baptist  removed  ye  par 
tition  wall,  Voted  yt  altho'  it  appeared  y*  Such  an  incautious  Expres 
sion  was  delivered  by  Mr  Bliss,  yet  upon  his  reading  y*  part  of  his 
Sermon  where  ye  expression  was  introduc'd  ye  Council  were  satisfied 
about  ye  same.  - 

5.  As  to  ye  5th  Article,  Voted  y1  tho'  we  Judge  y*  many  who  are 
Converted  do  know  it,  &  y*  it  is  ye  duty  of  Christians  to  give  all  Dili 
gence  to  make  their  Calling  &  Election  Sure,  yet  ye  doctrine  That  Mr 
Bliss  has  taught,  namely  y*  every  Person  That  is  Converted  must 
know  it,  is  what  we  apprehend  to  be  unsound.    But  in  what  he  offerred 
to  ye  Council  he  expressed  himself  more  Cautiously  to  our  Satisfac 
tion.  

6.  As  to  ye  6th  Article  yl  ye  main  reason  y*  any  man  Cannot  enter 
in  at  ye  Strait  gate  is  because  he  is  not  Elected,  which  was  fully  proved 
we  judge  Mr  Bliss  expressions  very  improper  tending  to  make  an  ill 
improvement  of  ye  important  Scripture  Doctrine  of  Election.  - 

7.  As  to  Article  ye  7th  yt  Mr  Bliss  hath  held  y*  man  doth  in  some 
degree  participate  of  all  ye  Divine  Attributes  Mr  Bliss  as  to  this  hath 
Corrected  himself,  &  acknowledges  y*  he  Too  hastily  delivered  it  and 
purposes  for  ye  future  to  speak  of  ye  attributes  of  God  as  communi 
cable  &  incommunicable. 

8.  As  to  Article  ye  8th  in  mentioning  y1  text,  he  y*  believes  not  is 
condemned  already,  but  I  say  he  is  damned  already ;   Every  person  y* 

3 


hath  not  true  saving  Faith  is  in  an  Estate  of  damnation  you  believe  & 
so  doth  ye  Devil ;  but  your  Faith  is  a  Cursed  damn'd  faith.  Voted,  yt 
ye  expressions  are  very  unsutable  &  improper. 

9.  As  to  Article  ye  9th  in  praying  for  himself  at  a  Chh  meeting 
He  Sd.  he  was  a  poor  vile  worm  of  ye  dust,  y1  was  allowed  as  mediator 
between  God  &  this  people,  Mr  Bliss  declares  he  had  no  ill  intention 
in  yi  expression,  was  immediately  Sorry  for  It,  for  fear  of  ye  bad  Con 
struction  which  might  be  put  upon  it,  which  ye  Council  Voted,  their 
Satisfaction  with.  - 

10.  As  to  Article  ioth  Mr  Bliss  Sd.  in  a  Sermon  y*.  it  was  as  great 
A  sin  for  a  man  to  get  an  Estate  by  honest  Labour,  if  He  had  not  a 
single  aim  at  ye  Glory  of  God,  as  to  gett  it  at  Gameing  at  Cards  and 
dice ;  This  was  testified  by  three  witnesses.    Voted,  yl  ye  expressions 
are  unwarantable  &  of  dangerous  tendency  &  therefore  ought  to  be 
Carefully  guarded  against.     But  Mr  Bliss  in  his  vindication  declared 
y*  he  was  not  apprehensive  of  his  ever  haveing  delivered  himself  as 
Testified  by  ye  witnesses  &  y1  ye  same  was  Contrary  to  his  Sentiments ; 
with  which  ye  Council  were  Satisfied.  - 

11.  As  to  Article  IIth  we  find  y1  Mr  Bliss  thinks  y4  ye  words  of 
y1  Text  Matth.  n.  n.  are  to  be  understood  of  Christ  &  y1  in  differrent 
Respects  Christ  is  both  ye  least  &  greatest  in  ye  Kingdom  of  heaven 
on  which  we  observe  y*  tho'  this  may  be  ye  sense  of  Some  Expositors 
Tis  not  ye  generally  received  opinion. 

12.  As  to  article  12th  in  preaching  upon  ye  text  he  y*  came  down 
from  heaven  is  above  all  he  Said  a  Person  might  go  on  in  his  Sins 
drunkenness  &c,  but  I  must  tell  you  For  your  comfort  if  you  belong  to 
ye  Election  of  Grace,  Christ  will  bring  you  home,  We  Judge  these 
words  are  a  verry  ill  and  unwarrantable  use  of  ye  Doctine  of  Election 
&  of  very  dangerous  tendency.    But  Mr  Bliss  in  his  vindication  before 
us  declares  yt  understanding  some  were  offended.    He  ye  next  Sabbath 
day  warned  his  people  against  any  wrong  improvement  thereof  to  ye 
incouragement  of  sin   To  which  diverse  of  ye  Churche  did  Testify. 

13.  As  to  13th  article,  it  does  not  appear  to  us  by  any  Evidence 
Brought  y1  Mr.  Bliss  has  tried  in  his  private  conversation  to  make 
persons  beleive  y1  Christ  was  a  deceiver,  &  ye  discourse  had  by  him, 
which  is  Sd  to  be  ye  foundation  of  yi  Charge  Tho'  imprudent  has  been 
since  perverted  to  vile  Slander? 

14.  As  to  14th  Article  we  are  uneasy  with  his  wandering  about 
From  town  to  town  to  ye  disturbance  of  Towns  &  Churches  &  neglect 
ing  his  own  Chh  at  home.    Voted  y*  we  haveing  reason  to  fear  That 
Mr  Bliss  hath  been  too  incautious  in  his  complying  with  Invitations  to 
preach  in  some  other  Ministers  parishes,  Exhort  him  for  ye  future 
Carefully  to  observe  The  Testimony  &  advice  of  ye  late  Convention 
which  he  hath  signed.     But  we  do  not  find  he  has  neglected  his  own 
Charge,  but  on  ye  Contrary  his  faithfullness  &  diligence  was  testified 
by  many. 


15.  As  to  ye  15th  Article  his  incouraging  lay  Exhorters,  is  not 
Supported. 

II.  As  to  ye  additional  articles. 

1.  As  to  ye  first  article  it  does  not  appear  to  this  Council  y*  Mr 
Bliss  has  been  incorrigible. 

2.  As  to  ye  2d  Article   Voted  y*  it  be  passed  over  as  not  of  im 
portance. 

3.  As  to  ye  3d  Article,  the  proofs  have  been  already  Considered 
under  ye  2d  of  ye  15. 

4.  As  to  ye  4th  Article,  with  regard  to  his  casting  reflections  on 
evidences  formerly  brought  against  him,  we  Judge  That  Mr  Bliss  ex 
pressing  of  himself  as  ye  witnesses  Testify  was  imprudent  &  unwar- 
antable.  — 

5.  As  to  ye  5th  Article  from  ye  evidence  we  think  y*  Mr  Bliss  was 
not  justifiable  in  utterly  forbiding  ye  suspended  Brethren  To  speake 
in  ye  Chh  as  also  y*  his  refusal  to  comply  with  ye  Repeated  request  of 
ye  aggreived  Brethren  for  a  Church  meeting  was  unkind  &  arbitrary 
dealing. 

6.  As  to  ye  6th  article  respecting  his  laying  Stumbling  Blocks 
Before  diverse  of  his  people  in  his  pastoral  Visits,  we  think  it  is  difi- 
cult  for  us  to  come  to  ye  knowledge  of  ye  truth  as  to  this  Article    But 
from  what  has  been  offerred  we  fear  y1  Mr  Bliss  In  his  discourse  hath 
not  always  expressed  himself  safely,  &  That  frequently  his  people 
have  misunderstood  his  words.  - 

7.  As  to  ye  7th  article  about  false  Doctrines.     With  regard  to  ye 
first  Instance  we  think  it  is  true  with  a  proper  distinction.    As  to  The 
2d  &  3d  they  were  not  supported.    The  4th  &  last  was  before  had  under 
Consideration. 

III.  As  to  ye  Suspension  of  ye  4  Brethren,  we  judge  it  would  have 
been  more  advisable  for  ye  Chh  to  have  deferred  ye  Suspension  of 
them  &  had  either  Considered  &  accomodated  their  differences  Them 
selves  or  had  Called  a  Council  for  y1  purpose.     And  we  Advise  ye 
Pastor  &  Chh  to  indeavour  in  ye  most  prudent  manner  They  can  to 
bring  them  to  a  sense  of  their  faults  and  restore  Them  in  ye  Spirit  of 
meekness. 

Upon  ye  whole  we  advise  ye  Revd.  Mr  Bliss  to  be  humble  under  a 
sense  of  his  having  given  so  much  ground  to  many  of  his  Christian 
Brethren ;  to  be  grieved  &  offended  at  him  and  yi  he  make  a  suitable 
publick  acknowledgement  of  ye  Things  wherein  he  is  blame  worthy, 
y1  he  give  himself  diligently  to  ye  Study  of  ye  Scriptures  &  Orthodox 
Divines  and  carefully  avoid  Delivering  any  unsound  &  perplexing 
Doctrines  or  expressions  That  he  give  himself  time  for  Study  in  pre 
paring  for  his  Publick  Performances,  and  y*  in  all  things  he  shew  him 
self  a  patern  of  good  works,  in  Doctrine  Shewing  uncorruptness,  grav 
ity,  Sincerity,  sound  speech,  yt  cannot  be  condemned,  y*  he  yt  is  of  ye 
Contrary  part  may  be  ashamed,  having  no  evill  Thing  To  Say  of  him. 

5 


And  now  as  to  ye  aggrieved  Brethren  we  advise,  y*  upon  his  giving 
Christian  Satisfaction  as  above,  they  return  to  &  Sit  quietly  &  peace 
ably  under  ye  Ministry  of  their  Revd  Pastor  esteeming  him  very  highly 
in  love  for  his  works  Sake  We  also  think  it  our  Duty  from  Love  & 
faithfulness  to  you  &  to  others  to  Suggest  Several  thing  which  we 
apprehend  we  have  reason  to  fear  from  w*  appeared  to  us  and  we  wou'd 
do  this  by  laying  ye  following  things  before  you  &  them  for  your  & 
their  Serious  Consideration. 

We  fear  y*  Corrupt  principles  Contrary  to  ye  Doctrine  of  Grace 
have  been  and  are  espoused  by  some  persons  in  this  place,  wch  hath 
occasioned  their  Stumbling  at  some  truths  y*  have  been  delivered  To 
them,  and  we  fear  y*  ye  uneasiness  of  some  persons  at  least  may  be 
owing  to  a  Spirit  of  opposition  to  God's  Gracious  work. 

And  y*  some  persons  have  taken  up  groundless  prejudice  &  heark 
ened  To  false  accusations  against  ye  Minister,  yea  y1  some  of  ye  evi 
dences  which  appeared  against  him  before  us  have  in  this  time  of  ye 
Controversie  Treated  him  with  odious  &  bitter  expressions,  we  fear 
yr  has  been  great  want  of  y*  love  wch  would  have  covered  many  in 
firmities  and  y*  whilst  they  have  Severely  animadverted  upon  yr  Min 
isters  Failings,  they  have  ungratefully  overlooked  the  Zeal,  Faithful 
ness,  and  love  to  Souls,  with  wch  we  are  perswaded  he  hath  ministered 
to  his  people. 

And  Furthermore  we  fear  y1  many  have  not  made  just  &  proper 
allowances  for  y*  incorrectness  wch  has  been  Complained  of  in  some 
of  his  publick  performances.  Since  he  has  been  so  taken  off  from  his 
Studies,  by  attending  The  multitudes  of  Souls  y*  have  flocked  to  him 
for  his  advice  And  direction.  - 

And  now  permit  us  to  exhort  ye  whole  Church  and  people  of  God 
in  this  place  who  have  Called  us  in  to  Council  them  to  Confess  yr 
faults  one  to  another  &  to  pray  one  for  another  and  to  Shew  all  due 
respect  &  honour  to  yr  Pastor  as  one  whome  we  have  Reason  to  be- 
leive,  God  has  made  an  instru1  of  carrying  out  his  Remarkable  Gra 
cious  work  in  this  Town,  entreating  them  also  in  ye  Bowel  of  our 
L.  J.  C.  that  they  Study  ye  things  y4  make  for  Peace  &  whereby  they 
may  edify  one  another,  and  y*  they  put  away  all  bitterness  &  wrath 
&  anger  &  Clamor,  &  evil  Speaking  with  all  malice  and  y*  they  be 
kind  to  one  another,  and  tender  hearted  Forgiving  one  another,  as 
God  for  Christ  Sake  hath  forgiven  us. 

Finally  Brethren  we  Commend  you  to  God  &  to  ye  word  of  his 
Grace,  rejoycing  with  you  for  yc  happy  Share  God  has  given  you  in 
his  late  glorious  work,  adding  our  fervent  prayers  y*  ye  Divine  Spirit 
may  be  Still  more  plenteously  poured  forth,  Upon  both  pastor  & 
people,  &  y1  pure  &  undefiled  religion  may  abundantly  Florish  among 
you  may  ye  God  of  Peace  be  with  you  all  Amen. 

John  Cotton     Moderator 
In  ye  Name  of  ye  Council 

A4,  (  Na'l.  Rogers.     „ 

Attest      <{  Scribes. 

f-  [  Joshua  Gee 


Mr.  Blisses  Confession   Sepr  ye  2Oth  1743. 

As  to  ye  article  of  Doctrines  wherein  I  have  been  censured  By 
this  Venbl  Councill,  I  do  meekly  Submit  to  your  Judge [ment]  Having 
been  convinced  of  my  unwariness  In  them.  And  shall  Always  en 
deavour  by  divine  Assistance  to  Guard  against  All  offensive  and  ex 
ceptionable  expressions  and  to  speake  ye  Things  yt.  become  sound 
doctrine. 

And  Whereas  it  is  Judged  by  this  Councill  y*  in  some  instances 
I  am  Cheargable  with  a  faulty  evasion  of  ye  truth.  I  desire  to  be 
humbled  before  God  for  whatever  in  my  discourse  &  Conversation  has 
been  attended  with  such  a  faulty  aspect  as  to  have  given  any  occasion 
of  Grief  &  offence  in  Such  regards  and  By  ye  help  of  Divine  Grace 
will  for  ye  future  keep  a  most  constant  watch  over  ye  door  of  my  Lips. 

And  as  to  those  things  blamed  in  my  Conduct  I  acknowledge  I 
deserve  blame :  And  I  hope  I  shall  ever  by  ye  same  Grace  so  approve 
my  self  for  ye  future  as  yl  I  may  give  no  offence.  Desireing  y*  I  may 
by  any  Christian  means  gain  ye  Love  &  Candour  of  all  my  people. 

And  now  dearly  beloved  while  I  ask  you  Christian  forgiveness 
&  y*  you  consider  me  in  ye  Bod)^  and  a  man  of  Like  Passions  with  you 
So  let  me  beseech  you  to  refresh  my  Bowels  In  Christ  Jesus  by  your 
accepting  me  in  y1  Spirit  of  meekness  And  love  which  is  ye  bond  of 
Gospel  Unity:  that  ye  God  of  Peace  &  truth  &  holiness  may  Conde 
scend  to  dwell  among  us.  Signed 

Concord.    Sepr.  2Oth  1/43.     Daniel  Bliss. 

In  Council  Voted  that  this  is  ye  Satisfaction  which  They  Judge 
proper  to  be  given  by  ye  Revd  Mr.  Bliss. 
Joshua  Gee 
Nath1.  Rogers 


>    Scribes, 
•s  $ 


PHILIP  DODDRIDGE. 


Dr.  Philip  Doddridge  to  his  Wife. 

Canon  Street  July  21.  1747  Tuesday  Morning 
My  Dearest  Friend 

I  suppose  Mr  Kennedy's  Arrival  at  Northampton  may  before  this 
Time  have  informed  you  of  the  Difsappointment  he  met  wth  by  Mr 
Parish's  being  out  of  Town  &  likewife  of  Mr  Roomes  being  gone  to 
Hackney  to  live  there  during  the  Summer  which  made  it  improper  for 
me  to  go  to  Fleet  Street  where  alone  I  could  have  fecured  a  Bed  for  my 
Young  Companion  as  well  as  for  my  felf.  I  therefore  in  Conjunction 
wth  good  Dr  Clark  in  whofe  Company  &  that  of  his  Lady  I  had  all 
imaginable  Satisfaction  advised  his  Return  to  Northampton  whither 
had  I  consulted  only  my  own  Inclinations  I  could  very  gladly  have 
attended  him.  All  my  Stay  at  S*  Albans  was  very  agreeable.  I  shall 


inform  you  of  the  Curiosities  on  Shell-work  wth  which  1  was  enter 
tained  at  Mrs  Rays  when  I  have  the  Satisfaction  to  fee  you.  The 
Lords  Day  was  I  blefs  God  very  comfortable  to  me  but  my  Sudden 
Summons  to  leave  my  very  engaging  &  generous  Friends  so  foon  was 
very  disagreeable.  I  had  however  a  very  good  Journey  wth  agreeable 
&  entertaining  Company  in  the  Stage  Coach  &  came  in  hither  about 
6  in  ye  Evening.  I  came  directly  to  good  Mr  Jacksons  where  I  am  now 
quartered  &  very  kindly  received  but  alas  before  I  got  out  of  the  Coach 
received  a  piece  of  Melancholy  News  wh  was  soon  confirmed  in  all  ye 
sad  particulars  wth  which  I  had  heard  it.  In  Short  Mr  Raymond  who 
married  the  two  Mifs  Lambes  succefsively  is  broke  for  30  or  near  40 
thousand  pounds  &  has  taken  in  fome  of  the  principal  Difsenters  in 
Town  &  among  ye  rest  your  Friend  Mr  Smith  for  7000  who  had  ye 
Brew  House  made  over  to  him  for  his  Security  but  deferring  to  feize 
till  Mrs  Raymonds  Month  was  up  which  it  just  now  is  has  by  that 
Tendernefs  loft  half  his  Money  for  tis  generally  feared  ye  Compofition 
will  not  be  ten  Shillings  in  ye  pound.  How  this  Affects  good  Mr  Bar 
ker  &  his  affectionate  Lady  you  may  in  ye  general  Guefs  even  feparate 
from  the  personal  Lofs  of  500  £  for  which  Mr  Barker  him  felf  was 
drawn  in  I  have  not  yet  seen  that  worthy  &  excellent  Man  but  my 
Heart  has  been  extreamly  pained  for  him  ever  since  I  heard  this 
grievous  News  &  I  expect  quickly  to  meet  him  here.  It  convinces  me 
how  happy  it  was  that  Mr  Kennedy  went  back  for  to  be  fure  while  ye 
Family  at  Walthampftow  is  a  Scene  of  such  Affliction  it  wd  have  been 
very  improper  to  have  carried  him  thither.  You  will  pleafe  to  give  my 
Service  to  Mr  Robertson  &  tell  him  that  I  defire  him  to  take  him  under 
his  particular  Inspection.  I  find  good  Mr  Woodward  extreamly  af 
flicted  wth  the  Sudden  Death  of  his  Son  Mr  Hensman  as  well  as  wth 
the  affair  of  Mr  Belsham  who  he  thinks  has  been  very  rigoroufly  used 
&  who  I  believe  will  fet  up  a  Boarding  School  at  Bedford.  Our  worthy 
Friend  Mr  Jackson  looks  pure  well  &  I  think  in  his  little  Velvet  Cap 
fomething  like  King  Henry  ye  8th.  but  Mrs  Jackson  is  but  poorly  & 
does  not  much  exceed  ye  Looks  of  Queen  Catherine  whom  wth  her  Dog 
you  remember  at  Althrop.  I  think  to  go  to  Walthamstow  to  night  & 
to  Epping  to  morrow  if  I  can  tho  I  plainly  fee  great  Difficulty  will 
attend  it  for  Mr  Barker  has  now  laid  down  his  Chair.  I  shall  not  I 
fear  be  able  to  write  to  you  again  till  Saturday  for  if  I  write  from 
Epping  it  will  come  no  fooner  but  I  muft  not  conclude  without  inform 
ing  you  of  a  Scheme  on  wh  ye  Hearts  of  our  very  obliging  &  delightful 
Friends  at  S'  Albans  are  much  fet  viz.  that  you  should  bring  Mercy 
wth  you  in  ye  Chair  next  Monday  Fortnight  &  fo  take  me  back  on 
Thursday  spending  ye  two  intermediate  Days  there.  You  may  be 
fure  my  Dearest  this  will  be  very  agreeable  to  me  if  you  can  contrive 
&  effect  it.  You  will  pleafe  in  your  next  to  let  me  know  your  Thoughts 
on  that  Head  that  I  may  inform  them  accordingly  I  was  last  night 
at  Mrs  Waughs  she  is  in  a  sad  Condition  her  Face  being  on  Account 
of  a  Surfiet  quite  covered  with  a  Sort  of  Tetter.  She  complains  loudly 
&  justly  of  the  Delay  of  ye  Family  Expositor  which  has  occasionrl 
her  a  great  Lofs  of  the  Intrest  of  between  2  &  300  £  for  near  2  years 

8 


&  of  some  longer.  She  adds  that  Mr  Godwin  has  not  yet  prepard  one 
Letter  of  ye  Index.  So  I  have  promifd  her  that  I  will  fee  to  it  the  work 
be  ready  for  publication  by  November  wh  is  ye  beginning  of  ye  pub 
lishing  Time.  Farewell  my  Dearest  many  Services  attend  you  from 
hence  wth  thofe  of 

Your  moft  obliged  &  affectionate 

P.  Doddridge 

P.  S.  As  to  publick  News  I  have  met  with  nothing  very  curious  but 
find  the  molt  intelligent  of  my  Friends  are  of  Opinion  that  the  Dutch 
in  their  States  are  as  much  attatchd  to  France  as  ever  &  that  tho  to 
content  ye  people  &  secure  their  own  precious  persons  just  at  that 
Crisis  they  made  ye  P.  of  Orange  Stadtholder  yet  they  restrain  him 
from  doing  any  thing  important  &  are  realey  in  a  private  Treaty  wth 
France  wh  is  to  deliver  or  however  engages  &  promifes  to  deliver, 
these  Towns  on  a  peace,  ye  Consequence  of  wh  must  be  that  all  ye  Men 
flain  in  their  Sham  Defence  are  in  effect  murthered.  The  News  of  the 
taking  of  Bergen  op  Zoom  compleat  as  its  Fortifications  are,  is  ex 
pected  every  Hour.  I  am  very  credibly  informed  that  the  Duke  ex 
postulated  very  severely  wth  the  Austrian  General  Bathiani  after  ye 
late  action,  &  complained  wth  very  just  Resentment  that  when  he  fent 
him  immediate  Orders  to  march  up  his  Troops  he  only  fent  an  Aid  de 
Camp  wth  a  Compliment  to  know  the  Pleasure  of  his  Royal  Highnefs. 
And  when  Bathiani  excufed  it  said  his  R.  Highnefs  turnd  his  Back  & 
said  aloud  "that  if  he  were  not  more  faithfully  supported  by  his  Allies 
he  fhould  learn  by  their  example  to  spare  his  Fathers  brave  Troops 
&  not  suffer  all  the  Burthen  of  the  War  to  be  thrown  on  them."  Tis 
added  that  ye  French  King  told  Legonier  he  perceived  ye  Allies  in 
tended  that  England  fhould  fight  as  well  as  pay  all  wh  he  thought  very 
unjust  &  intimated  his  Wonder  that  we  fhould  not  hearken  to  thofe 
good  Terms  wh  if  we  wd  part  wth  Cape  Breton  we  ought  at  any  Time 
fecure.  These  Advices  feem  to  come  from  a  good  Hand  &  tis  said  that 
Legonier  brought  Terms  in  all  other  Respects  very  advantageous  wh 
considering  of  how  high  Importance  it  wd  be  to  France  just  in  this 
Juncture  to  separate  us  from  our  Allies  I  think  by  no  means  improb 
able.  As  soon  as  you  have  read  this  postscript  you  will  pleafe  to  send 
it  to  the  good  Ladies  at  ye  Head  of  Abington  Street  wth  my  beft  com 
pliments.  They  will  fee  by  it  how  glad  I  wd  be  to  contribute  to  ye 
Entertainment  of  such  very  agreeable  Friends  if  it  lay  in  my  Power. 
I  beg  they  would  make  my  belt  compliments  to  ye  charming  &  happy 
Family  at  Ecton  to  the  good  Lady  of  which  I  wiih  as  happy  a  Time 
as  Mrs  Pembroke  had  who  was  on  Saturday  Morning  laft  delivered  of 
a  fine  Daughter  within  half  an  Hour  after  fhe  was  taken  ill.  She  had 
been  taking  yc  Air  in  ye  Chariot  ye  Evening  before. 

Since  I  wrote  this  News  is  come  from  Bergen  wh  encourages  us 
to  hope  for  a  more  vigorous  Defence  than  was  expected. 

Dr  Clark  inquired  after  his  Bill  &  proposes  paying  it  when  I  re 
turn  thro  S'  Albans  having  been  difappointed  of  a  large  Remittance 
wh  he  expected  last  Week.  He  had  paid  me  2  Guineas  Entrance  which 


he  set  down  but  I  forgot.    Mr  Hanchett  made  me  a  Pres1  of  a  Guinea. 
PS.    I  dined  wth  good  Mrs  Raymond  who  has  opened  her  wife  &  good 
Heart  to  me  for  such  indeed  it  is  wth  a  Freedom  wh  perhaps  no  other 
Circumftance  could  have  given  &  wh  has  afforded  me  great  Delight. 
It  was  her  exprefs  Desire  to  fee  me  &  Mr  Barker  fent  me  over  in  his 
Chariot.     Pray  for  them. 
To  Mrs  Doddridge 
in  Northampton. 


LORD  COLVILLE. 


Lord  Colville  to  the  Selectmen  of  Boston. 

Gentlemen 

I  am  extreamly  sensible  of  the  Honour  done  me  by  the  Metropolis 
of  America ;  and  had  I  known  six  Months  agoe,  how  well  the  Free 
holders  and  other  inhabitants  of  this  great  Town  were  affected  towards 
me,  I  would  have  applied  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty, 
to  be  continued  on  this  Station;  But  as  'tis  now  too  late,  I  can  only 
say ;  That  whenever  the  American  Stations  are  to  be  relieved,  I  shall 
think  myself  happy  if  I  can  return  to  a  Country  which  has  already 
given  me  such  Marks  of  Esteem  and  Regard  — 

Boston  May  18:  1752.  —  Colville1 


MINISTERS  SALARY  AT  LEBANON, 
CONNECTICUT,    1758. 


At  a  Meeting  of  the  firft  Society  in  Lebn  Legally  warned  Septr 
26.  1758 

Whereas  in  the  year  1722  when  this  Society  call'd  ye  Revd  Mr 
Solomon  Williams  to  Settle  in  ye  work  of  ye  Gofpel  Miniftry  amongft 
them  it  was  voted  to  give  him  an  120  £-0-0  yearly  for  10  years,  &  then 

lfrhe  endorsement  reads:  "Lord  Colville  Answer  to  Selectmen  when  the 
Thanks  of  the  Town  were  given  him.  May  18:  1752." 

10 


to  give  him  an  100  a  year  in  Publick  bills  of  Credit  or  in  Provision 
Pay  at  Country  Price  according  to  the  then  Prefent  value  of  the  bills 
of  Credit  fo  long  as  He  Continues  in  the  work  of  the  Miniftry  among 
us,  &  the  Comtee  gave  the  sd  Revd  Mr  Williams  Sufficient  Reafon  to 
Expect  the  Society  would  find  him  his  Fire  Wood,  &  that  the  20-0-0 
a  year  would  be  always  Continued  as  part  of  his  Sallary  Seeing  he 
had  no  other  Allowance  or  Confideration  for  a  Settlement,  of  which 
the  Society  have  been  Satiffied,  &  voted  the  20-0-0  as  part  of  his 
Sallary  to  be  made  up  in  the  Same  proportion  of  the  value  of  the  bills 
as  the  100  £  —  was  &  alfo  Since  the  year  1741  have  voted  from  year 
to  year  what  they  Suppofed  a  Sufficiency  for  his  fire  wood.  &  in 
Setling  with  Mr  Williams  the  Comtee  have  always  Agreed  that  he 
ought  to  have  fo  much  in  Paper  bills  as  would  procure  fo  much  of  the 
Necefsaries  of  Life  as  the  120 — o — o  would  procure  at  the  time  of  his 
Settlement.  &  fince  our  Money  is  now  Setled  by  Law  &  Made  Lawful 
Money  there  have  been  fome  doubts  &  debates  what  is  the  Sum  that 
ought  to  be  allowed  according  to  the  honeft  Meaning  of  our  Contract, 
which  the  laft  year  the  Society  declard  they  judged  to  be  £100 — o — o 
lawful  Money,  therefore  to  prevent  any  Difputes  for  the  Future  &  the 
Trouble  of  the  Comtee  Setling  from  year  to  year  it  is  agreed  &  voted 
that  the  Society  will  give  the  Revd  Mr  Solo.  Williams  £100 — o — o 
Lawful  Money  a  year  for  his  Support  &  finding  his  fire  wood  so  long 
as  he  fhall  Continue  in  the  work  qf  the  Gofpel  Miniftry  among  us. 

At  the  Meeting  above  mentioned  the  foregoing  vote  voted  in  the 
Affirmative. — 

With  the  above  vote  of  the  Society  I  am  Satiffied  &  Contented. — 

Solomon  Williams. — 
Foregoing  is  a  true  Copy  of  Record. 
Examd.  ^.  Wm  Williams  Society  Clerk. 

26  Sept 
1772. 


PETITION  ON  THE  CANADIAN 
FISHERIES,    1772. 


To  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  one  of  his  Majesty's  principal  Secre 
taries  of  State  &c.  &c.  &c. 

The  Memorial  and  Petition  of  the  Merchants  Traders  &  Settlers  con 
cerned  in  the  Fisheries  of  the  bays  of  Chaleur  and  Gaspey,  in  the 
Gulph  of  S*  Laurence  in  Canada. 

Humbly  Sheweth 

That  your  Memorialists  since  the  acquisition  of  Canada  to  this 
Kingdom  have  carried  on  considerable  Cod  fisheries  in  the  Bays  of 

ii 


Chaleur  and  Gaspey  in  the  Province  of  Quebec  but  that  the  heavy  and 
opprefsive  circumstances  under  which  they  have  laboured  of  late  years 
without  redrefs  compel  them  again  to  represent  their  complaints  to 
Your  Lordship  earnestly  sollicking  that  speedy  relief  which  the  exi 
gency  of  their  case  repuires. 

They  humbly  beg  leave  to  repeat  to  Your  Lordship  that  since  the 
addition  of  this  Colony  to  his  Majesty's  Crown  great  numbers  of 
deckd  vefsels  from  the  Coasts  of  New  England  come  upon  the  shore 
fishing  grounds  and  Banks  in  the  bays  of  Chaleur  and  Gaspey  where 
contrary  to  an  express  act  of  Parliament  of  the  15th  of  Charles  the 
second,  they  fish  with  seines ;  and  unsatisfyed  with  this  infringement 
they  throw  the  entrails  of  the  fish  on  these  very  grounds  to  the  utter 
ruin  of  the  fisheries  and  pursue  other  destructive  practices  totally  con 
trary  to  the  established  laws  and  Customs  of  Newfoundland;  having 
by  similar  practices  already  destroyed  the  fisheries  on  their  own  Coast. 

Your  Memorialists  now  beg  leave  further  to  represent  to  Your 
Lordship  that  from  some  unaccountable  neglect  of  this  valuable  tho' 
infant  settlement;  the  lives  and  properties  of  his  Majesty's  subjects 
are  in  the  greatest  danger,  a  gang  of  Indians  or  savages  having  already 
committed  several  murders  in  those  parts  and  threatening  others; 
allured  by  the  desire  of  plunder  and  secure  in  the  feeble  opposition 
that  can  be  made  to  them,  a  circumstance  with  which  they  are  well 
acquainted  and  which  has  increased  their  number  as  yet  too  incon 
siderable  not  to  be  apprehended  or  dispersed  if  timely  opposed.  And 
Your  Memorialists  beg  leave  also  to  inform  your  Lordship  that  they 
labour  under  the  heaviest  oppressions  from  the  want  of  a  court  of 
judicature  at  Bonnaventure  the  chief  seat  of  the  fishery,  for  the  ad 
ministration  of  justice  of  which  they  are  deprived,  the  Colony  being 
become  a  receptacle  to  outlaws;  no  proper  authority  being  supported 
to  enforce  obedience  to  Government. 

And  Your  Memorialists  feeling  sensibly  the  dismal  effects  of 
these  mischiefs  which  threaten  the  total  destruction  of  the  settlement 
beg  leave  once  more  to  lay  their  case  before  Your  Lordship  and  to 
point  out  some  easy  means  to  support  the  laws  and  procure  them 
relief. 

They  humbly  apprehend  that  an  armed  vessel  or  tender  stationed 
in  Chaleur  bay  with  strict  orders  to  the  commander  to  see  the  laws 
respecting  the  fishery  putt  into  execution. 

The  immediate  appointment  of  a  Subaltern's  command  of  soldiers 
to  Bonnaventure  or  parts  adjacent  to  protect  the  lives  and  properties 
of  the  inhabitants. 

And  the  erecting  of  a  Court  of  judicature  and  a  judge  to  admin 
ister  justice  and  support  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  recovery  of  their 
debts  and  effects 

would  effectually  remove  the  several  causes  of  their  complaints. 

And  they  humbly  hope  these  measures  will  meet  with  Your  Lord 
ship's  approbation  and  that  the  necessary  orders  will  be  issued  in  con- 


12 


sequence,  or  such  others  as  Your  Lordship  in  your  great  wisdom  shall 
deem  more  condusive  to  their  relief. 

And  Your  Memorialists  as  in  duty  bound  will 
ever  pray  &c.  &c. 

Fredk  Dutens 
John  Le  Breton 

Alexander  Sutherland  (for  himself) 
For  Duncan  Anderson 
William  Smith 
Henry  Mounier 
&  Felix  O'Hara 
London   February  1772. 


"BOSTON  MASSACRE",  1770. 


John  Adams's  Notes  on  the  Trial  of  the  British  Soldiers. 

The  manuscript  of  John  Adams's  notes  was  at  one  time  in  the  possession  of 
Mr.  Frederic  Kidder,  who  printed  it  in  his  "History  of  the  Boston  Massacre,"  pub 
lished  in  Albany,  in  1870.  Some  errors  were  found  to  have  been  made  in  transcribing 
the  fine  writing  of  the  paper,  and  these  errors  were  of  sufficient  importance  to 
justify  a  new  and  more  complete  issue.  Rough  as  are  the  notes,  and  imperfect  as 
is  the  manuscript  itself,  they  contain  matter  not  to  be  found  in  any  other  place. 
What  phrases  and  statements  are  new  prove  that  Adams  took  down  the  notes 
during  the  course  of  the  trial.  The  want  of  arrangement  gives  every  evidence  of 
haste,  and  the  absence  of  certain  pages  show  the  little  value  Adams  placed  upon  his 
notes.  Further,  the  first  rough  notes  of  certain  evidence  have  been  elaborated  on  a 
later  page,  but  still,  apparently,  from  memory,  not  from  the  record  of  the  trial  which 
was  published  in  1770. 

The  Court  began  its  sittings  on  Tuesday,  November  27,  1770,  and  continued 
from  day  to  day  until  the  verdict  was  rendered. 


Evidence  of  Commotions  that  Evening. 

James  Crawford  1  —  went  home  to  Bulls  Wharf  at  dark  ab*  6 

0  Clock  —  met  Numbers  of  People  going  down  towards  ye  Town 
House  with  Sticks  —  a[t]  Calf's  [Calefs]  Corner  Saw  above  a  dozen 
with   Sticks,  in   Quaker   Lane  and   Green's   Lane   met  many  going 
towards  K[ing]  Sftreet]  —  very  Great  Sticks,  pretty  large  Cudgells, 
not  com  Walking  Canes. 

1  P.  182  —  The  footnotes  refer  to  pages  of  Frederic  Kidder's  "History  of  the  Boston 
Massacre." 


Archibald  Gould  2  going  to  Crawfords  at  Bulls  Wharf  at  8,  at 
Swing  Bridge,  ye  People  were  walking  from  all  Quarters  with  Sticks,  y1 
I  was  afraid  to  go  Home,  went  thro  Greens  Lane,  and  met  many  Peo 
ple,  the  Streets  in  such  Commotion,  as  I  hardly  ever  Saw  in  my  Life, 
uncomon  Sticks,  such  as  a  Man  wd.  pull  out  of  an  Hedge  at  Hancock's 
Wharf  wn  ye  Bells  began  to  ring.  —  Mem.  It  must  have  been  later. 


u~u     1*7:1  ---      ur:n:  ---     TLT  —  ±~~ 

A  __  t-:U-,1J     "D  _______ 

" 


John  Gillispie,  at  7  went  up  to  ye  Sfouth]  End  to  Mr.  Silvesters, 
met  40  or  50  with  white  Sticks,  in  small  Parties  of  4  or  5  in  a  Party. 
this  was  thro  ye  main  Street. 

Thos.  Knight.  —  at  his  own  Door,  —  8  or  10  passed  with  Sticks 
or  Clubbs,  and  one  of  em  said  d  —  n  their  Bloods  let  us  go  and  attack 
ye  main  Guard  first,  the  Bell  ringing  —  one  of  em  made  a  Pause,  and 
said,  let  us  go  and  get  our  Guns  or  I'le  go  and  get  my  Gun.  —  went  in 
and  told  his  wife  lie  believed  there  would  be  blood  shed.  —  This  also 
was  in  the  main  Street. 

Nat.  Russell  4  vid  : 

Mem.  if  these  witnesses  are  believed  People  were  in  Motion  both 
in  the  main  Street  early  from  the  Town  H[ouse]  towards  ye  Sfouth] 
End,  and  in  Quaker  Lane,  and  Greens  Lane. 

Archibald  Wilson,5  [William]  Hunter,6  [Davis]  Mitchelson,7 
[James]  Selkrig,8  [Archibald]  Bowman,9  [William]  Dixon  10  6  of  em 
were  all  at  one  House  at  Mr.  [William]  Hunters  in  Dock  Square  and 
all  agree  in  their  general  Account,  tho  [the]y  dont  all  remember  ye 
Same  Circumstances.  —  their  general  account  is  y*  many  People  came 
from  ye  N[orth]  End  and  assembled  in  D[ock]  Square,  made  Several 
attempts  in  Small  Parties  at  Murrays  Barracks  but  came  running 
hastily  back,  and  as  if  driven  back  by  the  Soldiers.  —  many  had  staves, 
tho  many  had  none,  —  after  Some  time  yr  appeared  among  em  a  Gent". 
with  a  red  Cloak  and  a  white  Wigg  —  He  made  a  Speech  to  em  of  4 
or  5  minutes,  then  they  proposed  to  go  to  Kfing]  Street  and  attack  ye 
main  Guard  —  and  the  Effect  immediately  followed,  one  Party  under 
one  Leader  went  round  and  up  Cornhill,  another  Party  up  r  found] 
exchange  Lane,  &  a  3d.  up  Silsbys  Alley.  --  and  Several  proposed 
to  cry  fire.  Fire  was  cryed,  Several  times,  and  the  Bells  Soon  after 
rung. 

in  Confirmation  of  the  Testimonies  of  these  6  Scotch  Gentn.  we 
have  the  Testimonies  of  Shubael  Hewes  and  Bfenjamin]  Davis. 

Mr.  Hewes,11  says  he  was  in  Dfock]  Square  —  Saw  by  ye  Markett 
a  N°.  coming  from  ye  N.  E.  —  a  N°.  of  Lads,  came  along,  and  tryed 
to  pull  out,  and  break  ye  Leggs  of  the  Stalls,  6  or  7  of  em,  cant  say 
exactly  the  Number. 

Mr.  Davis  12  Says.  —  a  N°.  came  3  or  4  and  cryed  where  are  any 
2  p.  182.     "This  paragraph  was  stricken  out.  4  p.  198.   G  p.  182.    "p.  183.    7p.  183. 
8  p.  187.    "p.  188.    10p.  1  88.    up.  186. 
14 


Clubbs,  or  Cordwood  Sticks,  cry  d  Fire,  Fire,  Fire.  — 

This  Assembly  of  People  in  D[ock]  Square  was  undoubtedly  a 
Riot  in  those  I  mean,  to  Set  off  for  K[ing]  S[treet]  to  attack  ye  main 
Guard  this  was  an  unlawful  Design,  and  End. 

Dr.  [Richard]  Hyrons  very  particular  vid.  page  26.13 

Captn.  [John]  Goldfinch  --  page  28.14 

Patrick  Keeton    page  30  15 

Wm.  Davis,    page  31  1G 

Benja.  Lee  page  34.17 

John  Frost   34  18 

John  Ruddock  Esqr.19 

Greg.  Townsend  Esqr.     37.20 

James  Thompson  29.** 

[William]  McCauley  —  Jona.  W.  Austin.22 

[James]  Hartegan -- J[ohn]  Danbrook.23    J[osiah]  Simpson.24 

[John]  Carrol —  J  fames]  Bailey.25    Danbrook.23 

[William]  Wemms,  -  -  E.  Bridgman,26   J.  Simpson.24 

[Matthew]  Kilroy  —  Efdward]  G.  Langford.27  F[rancis]  Archi 
bald.28  Jfames]  Brewer,29  [Nicholas]  Ferriter30  [Samuel]  Hemen- 
way  31 

[Hugh]  White  —  S[amuel]  Clark.32  E.  G.  Langford.27  J.  Bai 
ley.25  J.  Simpson.24 

[Hugh]  Montgomery.  —  J.  Bailey.25  R[ichard]  Palmes.33  J.  Dan- 
brook.23  J[edidiah]  Bass.34  Thos.  Wilkinson.35 

[William]  Warren.  -  -  E.  Bridgman,26  J  Dodge.  J.  Simpson.24 
Ferriter  30 

Attack,  Assault  and  Insult.     Crown  Witnesses. 

E.  Bridgman.36  -  -  A  Number  of  Things,  Ice  or  Snow  thrown, 
Sticks  struck  the  Guns  —  ab*.  12  with  Sticks  surrounded  ye  Party  and 
Struck  their  Guns  with  their  Sticks  Several  Blows,  when  the  Soldiers 
were  loading.  —  ye  People  went  up  quite  to  them  within  ye  length  of 
their  Guns  before  ye  firing.  —  N°.  were  coming  down  by  ye  Town 
House.  —  call'd  em  cowardly  Rascalls.  —  dared  em  to  fire.  —  all  ye 
Bells  rung  —  ye  ratling  of  a  Blow  before  ye  firing  very  violent. 

J[ames]  Dodge.37  abt.  50  People  very  near  ye  Soldiers  —  Ice  & 
Snow  Balls  thrown,  Sticks  rattled  upon  their  Guns.  —  ye  Balls  seemed 
to  come  from  close  before  em, — . 

J[ames]  Bailey.38-  -  The  Boys  hove  Pieces  of  Ice  at  Sentry  as  big 
as  your  fist,  hard  and  large  enough  to  hurt  a  Man.  —  Montgomery  was 
knocked  down,  and  his  Musquet  fell  out  of  his  Hand,  by  a  Clubb  or 
Stick  of  Wood  by  one  of  the  Inhabitants,  and  as  soon  as  he  got  up  he 
fired.  —  ye  Clubb  was  not  thrown  but  I  saw  him  struck  with  it.  —  He 
fell  down  and  the  Gun  fell  out  of  his  Hand,  ye  Blow  was  very  violent. 

R[ichard]  Palmes.39  —  Saw  a  Piece  of  Ice  or  Snow  or  Something 

12  p.    185.      "p.    191.      "p.    194-      "P.    197-      1GP-    197-      "P.    200.      18p.    201.      19   p.    202. 

20  p.  203.    21p.  195.    22p.  128.    "3p.  142.    -4p.  146.    25  pp.  137,  141.    2(ip.  129.    '7p.i32. 

-8p.     134.       '''"p.    135.       3°p.     151.       31p.     149.       C2p.     132.       33p     140.       34p    143.       ''p.     144. 
30  p.    131.      37P.    131.      38P-    137-      "P.    140. 


white  Strike  Montgomerys  Gun  —  it  Struck  ye  Grenadier  &  made  a 
Noise.  —  He  fell  back  &  fired. 

J[ohn]  Danbrook40  --  Saw  a  little  Stick  fly  over  their  Heads, 
a  Piece  of  a  rattan  or  Some  such  Thing. 

J[edidiah]  Bass.41  Saw  a  Stick  knocked  to  knock  up  Montgom 
erys  Gun  it  knocked  it  up  5  or  6  Inches. 

J[osiah]  Simpson.42  Saw  one  Man  going  to  throw  a  Clubb  —  but 
he  did  not.  Saw  one  Clubb  thrown  in  to  the  Soldiers  —  it  hit  one  of 
the  Soldiers  Guns,  I  heard  it  Strike  —  ye  Person  y*  threw  it  Stood  10 
yards  from  ye  Soldiers  —  ye  Stick  was  thrown  i  or  2  Seconds  before 
ye  Ist.  Gun,  a  white  birch  Cordwood  Stick,  an  inch  thick. 

Bfenjamin]  Burdick.43  —  had  an  highland  broad  Sword  in  my 
Hand  —  I  Struck  at  the  Soldier  who  pushed  at  me,  and  had  I  Struck 
2  or  3  Inches  farther,  I  should  have  left  a  Mark  yt  I  cd  have  Sworn 
to.  —  I  Struck  ye  Cock  of  his  Gun,  —  Saw  a  short  Stick  thrown  about 
2  or  3  foot  long —  heard  a  Ratling. 

R[obert]  Williams.44  Saw  ye  People  Some  huzzaing,  Some  whist 
ling.  —  Somebody  said  dont  press  upon  the  Guard  -  -  the  People 
seemed  to  be  pressing.  —  Saw  Some  Snow  Balls  thrown. 

[Nicholas]  Ferriter45  testifies  yl  He  was  at  ye  Ropewalks,  and 
yt  Gray  was  there  too,  and  both  active  in  the  Affray  there.  -  -  These 
Circumstances  must  remove  all  doubt  of  the  fact  and  of  ye  Species  of 
Crime. 

[Francis]  Archibald  [and]  J[ames]  Brewer.46  —  Saw  no  Abuse, 
more  yn  was  common,  met  Dr.  Young  with  a  Sword.  —  Dr.  Said 
every  Man  to  his  own  Home —  perhaps  some  use  may  be  made  of  this 
Circumstance.  There  was  a  general  Alarm  —  every  Body  had  a  Right, 
&  it  was  very  prudent,  to  arm  themselves  for  their  defence. 

[James]  Bailey.47  --  thinks  Montgomery]  kill'd  Attucks.  --  yt 
Montgomery  fired  is  clear  from  this  wit. 

Mr.  [Richard]  Palmes.48     Saw  Montgomery.  —  Stand  back,  did 
not  fall  —  Montgomery  Slippd  in  pushing  2d  time  at  him  and  fell  - 
in  probability  he  kill'd  Attucks,  &  continued  ye  Same  mischevous  Spirit 
in  [pushing?]. 

[John]  Danbrook.49  —  Saw  a  Piece  of  Rattan  —  Saw  M[ontgom- 
ery]  fire.  —  two  Persons  fell.  —  Attucks  at  ye  left  Hand  of  this  Witness 
and  leaning  on  his  Stick. 

J[edidiah]  Bass.  --  Thos.  Wilkinson.50  --  ye  People  in  ye  Win 
dows  cautioning  those  in  the  Street,  not  to  go  there.  —  Soldiers  chal 
lenging  the  People.  --  not  apprehensive  of  danger  --  well  placed  to 
observe.  —  He  must  be  believed  if  any  Witness  is  —  Striking  of  the 
Clock  7  went  off,  one  flash'd.  —  saw  no  pressing,  nothing  thrown. 
2  or  3  cheers,  before,  none  after  ye  Party  came  down. 

J[osiah]  Simpson.51    caisons  [or  curious?],  handle,  Ease,  Support 

40 p.  142.  41p.  143.  ""p.  146.  43p.  152.  44p.  153-  45P-  151-  4°PP-  134,  135-  47P-i37- 
48  p.  140.  49p.  142.  B0  pp.  143,  144.  B1p.  146. 

16 


&c  Arms  —  there  is  Something  like  these  in  ye  Command  C.  P.  [Capt. 
Preston]  behind  the  Soldiers  —  8  Guns. 

N[athaniel]  Fosdick.52  -  -  pressing  behind  him  with  Bayonetts,  in 
his  back,  Thrusts  &  pushes  in  ye  Breast  and  Arm.  - 

S[amuel]  Hemenway  53  —  Kilroy  not  in  anger  nor  in  Liquor  — 

[Joseph]  Hiller.54  —  People  in  D[ock]  S[quare]  afraid  to  go  up.  — 
20  sec.  bet.  I  &  2d  Gun,  a  little  Boy,  running  &  crying  fire,  ye  last  Gun 
was  pointed  at  him  and  fired.  — 

[Nicholas]  Ferriter.55  —  3  attacks  at  the  Ropewalks.  —  Kilroy 
and  Warren  in  the  last  battle  at  the  Ropewalks  — 

[Benjamin]  Burdick  56  —  Spoke  to  the  bald  Man,  he  thinks  —  Yes  by 
ye  E[ternal]  God.  Intention  to  fire  —  .  Mem.  vid  Test. 

R[obert]  Williams.07    The  Guns  followed  ye  People  as  they  ran.  — 

Quincy.  no  doubt  with  me,  yi  th.  did  it  Sedato  Animo,  ye  Person 
he  killed  was  in  Peace.58  no  Insult  offered  to  K[illroy]. 

[Thomas]  Marshall.59  ye  Street  entirely  Still.  —  fewer  People 
there  yn  usual.  —  He  had  been  warned  not  to  go  out  that  Evening. 
Moon,  to  the  North.  —  Saw  a  Party  come  out  of  ye  main  Guard  door. 
—  d — n  em  wr  are  [the]y?  by  Jesus  let  em  come  —  boisterous  lan 
guage.  —  ye  Party  came  from  Quaker  Lane,  &  cry'd  fire.  —  very  prob 
able  ye  Word  fire  was  a  Watch  Word  —  any  one  next  ye  Meeting 
House,  Steps  in,  at  a  Cry  of  fire  and  Sets  ye  Bell  a  ringing.  — 

Mr.  [Nathaniel]  Thayer  60  heard  a  Cry  of  Fire.  &  supposed  it  a 
Watch  Word. 

Bartholomew]  Kneeland.61  —  one  pointed  his  Bayonet  at  his 
Breast. 

Mr.  [Nathaniel]  Appleton.   and  little  Master  [John  Appleton].62 

—  his  Story  &  ye  Manner  of  his  telling  of  it,  must  have  Struck  deep 

into  your  Mind.  —  Struck  by  a  Soldier  —  tenderly  ask'd  him  "Soldier, 

Spare  my  Life."    no  damn  you,  we'l  kill  you  all.  —  Brother  Adams's 

Social  Creature.  —  Here  is  food  enough  for  ye  Social  Appetite  63  — 

immaterial  who  gives  the  mortal  Blow,  where  there  are  a  N°.  of 
Persons  together,  all  present  aiding,  abetting  are  guilty,  no  Man  shall 
be  an  avenger  of  his  own  Cause  unless  from  absolute  Necessity. 

Jfustice  Edmund]  Trowbridge.  you  ought  to  produce  all  your 
Evidence  now. 

Josh  Quincy.64  3  main  Divisions,  under  the  last  there  will  be 
many  Subdivisions  —  Ist  Whether  any  kill'd.  2d  Who  killed  'em!  — 
wherever  a  Doubt  ye  Bias  is  in  favour  of  the  Prisoner.  —  3d  last  &  main 
Division,  is  w1  are  ye  facts  [thejy  alledge  to  justify,  excuse,  or  alle 
viate.  —  under  this  many  minute  divisions.  —  need  not  remind  you  of 
the  importance  to  ye  Prisrs.  —  nor  to  the  Community,  important  y*  ye 
Dignity  of  Justice,  and  to  ye  Country  &  y*  same  Rules  shd.  prevail,  a 

52  p.  148.  53p.  149-  54P-  149-  55P.  151-  E'5P-  152.  OTp.  153-  B8P.  168.  59p.  156. 
60  p.  155.  61p.  154.  C2pp.  155,  156.  03p.  170.  64  These  notes  are  on  the  open 
ing  address  of  Josiah  Quincy,  Jun.,  of  counsel  for  the  prisoners.  See  Kidder, 
p.  172. 


Prejudice  prevails  yt  ye  Life  of  a  Soldier  is  less  valuable  than  y'  of  a 
Subject  — 

ye  Criminal  Law  extends  itself  to  every  Individual  of  the  Com 
munity,  --it  views  Men  possessed  of  Appetites  and  Passions.  -  -  ye 
Law  attends  to  Man  kind  as  we  find  em  surrounded  with  all  their  In 
firmities  and  all  their  Passions  —  w  [hat] ever  will  justify  an  Inhabitant 
in  firing  upon  an  Inhabitant,  will  justify  a  Soldier,  —  and  a  Soldier 
need  not  have  a  civil  Magistrate  any  more  than  an  Inhabitant  —  a 
general  Opinion,  almost  universal,  thro  this  Continent,  yl  their  Rights 
and  Liberties  were  invaded  —  believed  that  the  Soldiers  came  here  to 
inforce  those  Acts.  —  Mankind  Act  from  Feelings  more  than  Reason 
ing  —  The  Object  of  Resentment  was  out  of  Reach,  and  it  fell  upon 
the  Instrument.  —  The  People  thought  the  Soldiers  the  Instruments 
of  fastening  the  Shackles  y*  had  been  forged.  —  The  Soldier  felt  him 
self  touched  in  the  Point  of  Honour,  and  in  the  Pride  of  Virtue,  when 
he  Saw  and  felt  these  Marks  of  Disrespect. 

You  are  not  sitting  here  as  Statesmen  or  Politicians,  you  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Injuries  your  Country  has  Sustained.  —  The 
Town  is  not  concerned. 

This  Cause  has  awakened  the  Attention  of  this  whole  Continent 
if  not  all  Europe.  —  you  ought  to  be  careful  to  give  a  Verdict,  which 
will  bear  the  Examination  of  Times,  when  the  Pulse  which  now  beat 
shall  beat  no  more  —  do  nothing  wh  shall  hereafter  bite  like  a  Serpent 
and  Sting  like  an  Adder,  all  the  Colours  of  the  Canvas,  ye  Pictures 
the  Publications.  --  every  Thing  y1  could  possibly  Stimulate  and  in 
flame.  — 

our  high  Water  Slack,  —  ye  Passions,  so  high  that  the[y]  can  go 
no  higher  — 

The  Fact  of  Killing  has  not  been  proved  with  Regard  to  Some 
of  em  —  and  others  are  left  in  doubt.  — 

a  Person  producing  a  Witness  is  never  to  discredit  him.  —  a  Per 
son  Swearing  a  Positive  is  to  be  believed  caeteris  paribus  rather  than 
one  Swearing  a  Negative.  —  Persons  upon  Guard  have  a  Particular 
Habit.  —  [therefore]  probably,  C.  Marshall,  mistaken  —  in  y1  Temper 
of  Minds  y1  frame  of  Dispositions,  which  prevailed  thro  the  whole 
Continent  —  these  Persons  were  upon  their  Duty,  and  their  Lives  in 
Danger  if  they  moved  from  their  Stations  — 

[B.  Burdick]65  who  pushed  at  me,  and  had  I  Struck  2  or  3  Inches 
further,  I  shd  have  left  a  Marck  /  /  cd  have  Sworn  to.  —  this  was  before  the 
firing.  I  struck  the  Cock  of  the  Gun  —  the  Man  I  struck  was  ye  4th  Man 
from  the  Corner,  ab*  the  Middle  —  /  Saw  but  one  Thing  thrown  that  was  a 
Short  Stick,  ab*  2  or  3  foot  long.  I  heard  a  rattling, —  I  took  it  [the]y 
knocked  their  Guns  together  [the]y  were  continually  pushing  at  Peo 
ple,  and  it  was  pretty  Slippery.  --  I  went  afterwards  to  take  up  the 
dead  —  and  they  began  to  present  &  cock  their  Guns  —  ye  officer 
came  before  &  knocked  up  the  Guns  --  and  Said  dont  fire  any  more. 
65  A  page  of  the  MS.  beginning  thus  abruptly,  Kidder,  p.  152. 

18 


cant  ascertain  the  Number  of  Guns  —  believe  5  or  6  —  I  Saw  no  Blows 
Struck  by  others,  for  I  had  not  time,  to  see  before  I  drew  my  own 
Sword.  — 

Robert  Williams.66  —  in  Dock  Square  it  was  Said  there  had  been 
an  affray  —  Some  went  to  ye  north,  some  one  way,  some  another  — 
I  went  to  K[ing]  Street  —  People  there  Some  huzzaing,  whistling,  Some 
leaning  over  their  Sticks.  Somebody  Said  dont  press  upon  the  Guard,  I  re 
peated  the  Words.  yc  People  Seemed  to  be  pressing  as  I  zvas  to  get  among 
the  thickest  of  them  -  I  heard  a  flash  of  a  Gun.  It  made  a  noise  like  a 
Pistol,  a  Small  Report  another  Gun  went  off,  at  the  right  a  Man  fell.  — 
ye  3d  Gun  was  fired  I  Saw  ye  flash  and  heard  ye  Report  on  my  Knees. 
The  People  ivere  running  away  —  and  the  Guns  Seemed  to  move  after  the 
People.  —  /  Saw  People  jumping  upon  the  Backs  of  others  trying  to  get  in 
as  I  had  been.  Saw  Some  Snow  Balls  —  no  Sticks  —  I  caution'd  them 
not  press,  upon  the  Soldiers  least  [the]y  shd  press  ye  People  upon  the  Points 
of  the  Bayonetts  —  [the]y  were  within  two  foot  —  I  was  not  there  above 
a  Minute.  —  Saw  no  Blows. 

Bartholomew  Kneeland.67  —  I  lived  at  Mrs  Toreys  by  the  Town 
Pump  —  ad1  a  1/4  after  9.  ye  Bells  ringing,  I  went  to  the  Door  and  Saw 
a  Number  of  Soldiers  —  one  came  up  to  me,  d — n  you  w*  do  you  do  there  — 
He  put  his  Bayonet  at  my  Breast  and  put  it  there  Sometime. 

Mr.  [Nathaniel]  Thayer  68  —  a  terrible  Swearing  —  Cutlasses  & 
Clubbs  were  going,  —  ye  Soldiers  came  from  ye  Town  House  without  any 
Coats  on  like  wild  Creatures.  —  damn  them  where  are  they  cutt  them  to  Pieces, 
a  little  after  9.  —  1  cant  Say  who  they  were.  —  ye  People  below  cryed 
fire.  —  Soon  before  —  I  took  it  for  a  signal  for  the  Soldiers  to  come  to 
help  the  others.  ye  Cry  of  Fire  was  by  Justice  Quincys.  — 

Mr  Nath1.  Appleton,69  a  little  after  9.  --  it  was  said  at  my  Door 
the  Soldiers  and  Inhabitants  were  fighting,  a  Party  of  Soldiers  came 
down  from  ye  Southzvard,  10  or  12,  Short  Cloths  on  —  white  arms  —  I 
Stood  —  I  Saw  ye  Course  of  the  Soldiers  began  to  bend  towards  Us,  — 
and  wn  [thejy  got  about  half  a  rod  off  they  lifted  up  their  Weapons 
I  retreated  —  They  rushed  on  with  uplifted  Weapons  and  I  thought  my  self, 
in  danger,  if  I  did  not  retreat. 

John  Appleton.70  abt  9  o'clock,  I  was  sent  of  an  Errand,  in  [King] 
Street,  I  was  going  home.  —  at  Jenkins  ally  about  20  Soldiers,  one  came 
to  me  with  his  Cutlass,  I  cry  d  Soldier  Spare  my  Life,  no  damn  you  —  we1 1 
kill  you  all  —  and  Struck  me  upon  the  Shoulder,  I  dodged  or  he  ivd  have 
Struck  me  on  the  Head. 

[Lieut.]  Coll  Thos.  Marshall.71  --  no  Body  at  Dock  Square,  no 
Body  in  Kings  Street  at  9.  —  K[ing]  Street  never  clearer.  I  Some 
time  after  heard  a  distant  Cry  of  Murder,  a  Party  from  the  Main 
Guard  came  out,  &  damn  em  where  are  they?  by  Jesus  let  em  come.  I  went 

in  and  came  out  again,  and  another  Party  came  out  of  Quaker  Lane 

I  Saw  their  arms  glitter.  -  -  and  heard  much  such  Expressions  as 
before. 

68  P-  153-    97p.  154-    68P-  155-    %.  155.    70P-  156.    71p.  156. 


Jos.  Crosbey.72  Kilroys  Bay  one  tt  appeared  to  be  covered  with  Blood 
6  or  5  Inches,  next  day. 

James  Carter.73  The  next  Morning  I  observed  Kilroys  Bayonett  to  be 
bloody.  I  am  satisfyed  it  was  blood.  I  was  near  to  it  as  to  Mr.  Paine. 

Jona  Gary.74  —  4  of  my  Sons,  Maverick  &  another  Lad  were  at  Supper 
in  my  Kitchen,  when  the  Bells  rung  &  I  told  em  there  was  fire;  [the]y 
said  yd  eat  a  few  mouth  fulls  more  and  go.  — 

Jn°  Hill  Esqr.75  was  Struck  at  at  ye  Ropewalks. 

Mrs.  Gardiner.76 

Mr.  S.  Quincy.77  It  is  my  Province  to  apply  the  Evidence,  —  it 
is  complex  and  in  some  Places  perhaps  difficult.  —  2  Things  I  must 
prove  —  ye  Indentity  and  the  Fact  —  goes  over  all  the  Names  &  men 
tions  the  Witnesses  who  Swore  to  each  of  them.  —  cd.  wish  yi  ye  fa 
tigues  of  yesterday  &  ye  Circumstances  of  my  family  wd  have  allow  d 
me  to  have  arranged  the  Evidence  more  particular,  to  have  extracted 
the  most  material  Parts  of  it.  — 

considers  J.  W.  Austins  Testimony.  —  then  Eb.  Bridgham's  ye  last 
Man  aim'd  at  a  running  Lad.  —  did  not  apprehend  any  Danger. 

Dodge.  —  Clark.  Langford.  —  as  particular  as  any  Wit.  on  ye 
Part  of  ye  Crown.  —  Boys  were  damning  ye  Sentry,  told  him  ye  Boys 
wd.  not  hurt  him.  —  Gray  came  up  wt's  here?  I  dont  know  but  Some 
thing  will  come  of  it  by  &  by.  —  Gray  with  his  Hands  folded.  —  He 
leaning  on  his  Stick.  —  He  spoke  to  Kilroy.  —  d — n  you  you  are'nt 
a  going  to  fire  —  K.  presents  at  Gray,  &  Shoots  him  dead  upon  ye 
Spot  —  and  then  pushed  at  Langford  with  his  Bayonet.  —  Here  is 
Evidence  of  an  Heart  desperately  wicked  —  bent  deliberately  bent 
upon  Mischief  -  -  compared  with  the  Testimony  of  Hemenway,  — 
This  is  Malice,  —  a  Distinction  bet.  Malice  &  Hatred  —  Keyling  126. 
3.  Inst  62.  Mawgridges  Case.  Envy,  Hatred  and  Malice  -  -  He  y* 
doth  a  cruel  Act  voluntarily  doth  it  of  Malice  prepensed  —  tho  upon 
a  Sudden  Occasion. 

Assault  upon  the  Sentry. 


Letters  to  the  Committee  of  Boston: 

From  Catharine  Macaulay.1 

London  May  9th  1770 
Gentlemen 

I  think  my  self  much  honored  by  the  Town  of  Boston  for  the 
compliment  of  transmiting  the  Narrative  relative  to  the  massacre  per 
petrated  by  the  military  on  the  fifth  of  March 

"For  Joseph  Crosswell,  Kidder,  p.  157.  73  p.  158.  T4p.  158.  75p.  158.  7G  Probably 
Mary  Gardner,  of  Akinson  Street,  whose  deposition  is  printed  in  Kidder,  p. 
101.  "  Notes  on  the  closing  by  Samuel  Quincy,  of  counsel  for  the  Crown, 
Kidder,  p.  158. 

1  Though  no  address  is  with  this  letter,  it  was  probably  written  to  the  same 
Committee  as  is  mentioned  in  the  letters  of  Pownall  and  Bollan. 

20 


In  condoling  with  you  on  that  melancholy  event  your  friends  find 
a  considerable  alleviation  in  the  opportunity  it  has  given  you  of  ex 
hibiting  a  rare  and  admirable  instance  of  patriotic  resentment  tempered 
with  forbearance  and  the  warmth  of  Courage  with  the  coolness  of 
Discretion 

Believe  me  Gentlemen  there  is  not  a  Bostonian  the  spectator  of  the 
bloody  scene  who  feels  more  sensibly  than  my  self  the  horrid  tran 
saction 

Every  service  which  is  in  my  power  to  perform  the  Town  of  Boston 
may  command  and  may  depend  upon  a  faithful  and  ardent  exec[u]tion 
I  am  Gentlemen 
Your  very  obed 

And  very  Humble  Servt 
Catharine  Macaulay 


From  William  Bollan  (then  Colony  Agent). 

Fludyer  street,  Westmr.  May  IIth.  1770 

Gentlemen, 

Your  letter  relating  to  the  late  military  massacre  at  Boston, 
which  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  by  express,  was  accompanied  with 
such  ample  proofs,  considered  in  point  of  number,  matter,  candour, 
propriety  &  fairness  of  caption,  that  I  flatter  myself  they  will  in  time 
prevail,  and  establish  the  truth  in  the  minds  of  all  honest  men,  maugre 
all  the  attempts  made  with  art  &  sollicitude  to  represent  the  inhabitants 
as  the  aggressors.  I  had  some  hopes  of  geting  the  authentic  copies 
laid  before  the  house  of  corhons  for  consideration  in  this  session,  with 
the  other  papers  laid  before  them ;  but  they  are  vanish'd,  and  the  par 
liament  will  rise  in  a  short  time. 

From  what  was  openly  said  not  long  since,  I  understood  the  troops 
wou'd  be  removed ;  but  the  times  abound  with  uncertainty  as  well  as 
difficulty. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  respect,  and  the  sincerest 
wishes  for  the  welfare  of  the  town, 

Gentlemen, 

P.  S.  Your  most  obedient 

Captn.  Gard'ner  staid  here,  by  my  humble  servant 

direction,  til  this  day,  in  order  to  W.  Bollan 

promote  the  public  service  by  his  examination  in  the  house  of  com 
mons,  or  otherwise,  as  occasion  shou'd  require 

W  Bollan 
Jas.  Bowdoin  Esqr.  &  others  a  Comttee.  of  the  town  of  Boston 


21 


From  Thomas  Pownall. 

London 

Albemarle  Street 

May  n,  1770. 
Gentlemen 

I  duely  rec'd  by  Cap'4  Gardiner  yr  letter  dated  March  23 :d  1770, 
written  &  address'd  to  me  in  Consequence  of  an  Appointment  of  ye. 
Town  of  Boston.  — 

I  did  not  want  the  bloody  proofs  w:ch  ye  Narrative  you  have  com 
municated  to  me  gives,  of  the  danger  &  destructive  consequences  that 
must  necessarily  arise  from  a  Military  establishment  posted  within  the 
heart  of  a  Civil  Jurisdiction,  under  such  Arrangements  of  Command 
as  were  attempted  to  be  fix'd  in  time  of  Peace  within  ye  Colonies. 

I  had  only  wonder' d  that  some  thing  of  this  Sort  had  not  happen'd 
sooner,  &  am  now  only  happy  that  ye  mischief  has  not  gone  further  — 
I  hope  it  is  not  only  at  an  end  but  that  Like  some  of  those  Momentary 
Shocks  of  Nature  w:ch  endanger  ye  very  being  of  the  Region  where 
they  happen,  while  in  the  Convulsion  —  it  may  purge  away  this  Mis 
chief  that  was  ye  Component  Cause  of  that  Danger. 

It  is  a  Common  thing  with  Bodies  of  Men  as  well  as  Individuals 
standing  towards  each  other  in  a  State  of  Irreconcilable  variance  to 
Apprehend  from  each  other  mischiefs  w:ch  neither  are  Capable  of 
Effecting  to  Impute  to  each  other  Evil  designs  w:ch  neither  ever  har- 
bour'd  —  This  state  of  Mind  leads  them  by  way  of  Prejudgment, 
Exculpation  &  Recrimination  into  representations  w:ch  take  their 
Colour  rather  from  imagin'd  than  existing  Facts  —  But  as  on  Occa 
sion  of  the  late  shocking  events  at  Boston,  there  has  been  I  hope,  less 
of  this  than  on  former  occasions,  so  I  do  not  find  People  here  so  much 
dispos'd  to  enquire  who  were  the  Aggressors,  What  were  the  Occa 
sions,  what  the  Mutual  provocations  in  the  late  Affray,  What  ye  state 
of  this  particular  Eruptions,  as  attentive  to  learn  what  is  ye  State  & 
Cause  of  ye  Fever  in  general  w:ch  they  see  brought  to  this  height  of 
Malignancy  —  &  what  may  be  the  Remedy. 

I  had  long  ago  given  notice,  without  being  much  attended  to,  that 
I  wou'd  lay  before  Parliament  what  I  thought  to  be  ye  unconstitutional 
state  of  ye  Military  establishment  in  America.  I  took  advantage  from 
ye  impressions  made  on  Mens  Minds  by  ye  late  Events  to  bring  forward 
ye  Consideration  at  this  Time,  by  Moving  that  an  Humble  Address 
be  presented  to  his  Majesty,  stating  the  Necessity  of  some  Remedy  in 
this  Case,  &  praying  that  he  wou'd  be  pleas'd  to  give  directions  w:h 
the  Advice  of  his  privy  Council,  that  these  Matters  might  be  revis'd 
&  examin'd  into,  to  the  End  that  they  may  be  explain'd,  corrected  & 
Amended,  where  they  interfer'd  or  Clash'd  w:h  each  other,  or  contained 
any  Matters  contrary  to  Law  &  the  Constitution. 


22 


The  Ministry  mov'd  the  Question  of  Adjournment  upon  my  Mo 
tion,  but  Allowing  that  the  Ground  w:ch  I  had  taken  of  Doubts  in  point 
of  Law  &  the  Constitution,  of  Confusion  in  the  Execution  &  of  Danger 
in  the  Consequences  not  only  to  the  Political  Liberty  of  the  Com 
munity,  but  to  the  Franchises  of  the  People  was  good  &  sufficient,  & 
did  call  for  some  remedy  in  the  Case,  &  having  declar'd  that  His  Majesty 
had  given  Directions  to  have  the  Question  of  Law  laid  before  the 
Crown  Lawyers,  &  the  Matter  to  be  revis'd  &  Amended  upon  that 
Foundation  that  shou'd  appear  to  be  right  &  legal ;  &  that  in  General 
every  thing  that  the  Address  did  or  cou'd  desire  wou'd  be  done  in 
Consequence  thereof.  Upon  this  our  friends,  tho'  they  did  not  think 
fit  to  withdraw  the  Motion  for  the  Address,  yet  did  not  think  proper 
to  divide,  as  considering  it  best  to  hold  the  Ministers  pledg'd  by  their 
Declaration  &  our  Acquiescence  under  it.  —  &  I  own  I  think,  as  do 
many  of  your  Friends  here,  w:h  whom  I  have  communicated  upon 
this  Occasion,  that  it  wou'd  be  wise  in  you  in  Point  of  Policy  to  give 
Credit  to  this  Declaration,  &  to  suspend  all  Opposition  on  this  Point 
as  Considering  the  Ministry  having  pledg'd  themselves  to  rectifye  it 
according  to  Law  &  the  Constitution ;  especially  as  you  are  now  free 
from  all  Danger  of  any  evil  Consequence  arising  from  it,  as  the  Minis 
try  have  declared  that  as  the  Troops  are  now  withdrawn,  so  they 
shall  never  be  sent  back  untill  the  Civil  Magistrate,  shall  call  for  & 
employ  their  Aid  in  Support  of  the  Civil  Government  w:ch  I  shou'd 
guess  is  never  likely  to  happen.  As  I  have  said  before  that  there  was 
no  Disposition  Amongst  people  here  to  enquire  into  the  particular 
Actions  &  transaction  in  the  late  Catastrophe  at  Boston  So  you  will 
find  that  no  Notice  has  been  taken  either  by  Ministry  or  Opposition 
of  any  of  the  Events  w:ch  have  arisen  on  this  Occasion,  otherwise 
than  to  look  to  the  Cause  in  General  &  the  remedy  —  Yet  one  Obser 
vation  I  think  it  just  to  make  to  you,  that  One  Sentiment  has  unani 
mously  arisen  in  the  Minds  of  all  express'd  in  a  wish  &  Hope  from  all 
Quarters  that  no  Prejudice,  Resentment,  or  party  Consideration  what 
soever  may  Operate  in  the  unhappy  Case  of  Cap:t  Preston  &  the  Sol 
diers,  but  on  the  Contrary  it  wou'd  do  more  Honor  to  the  Spirit  & 
Temper  of  your  People  to  shew  Mercy  than  to  exact  Severe  Justice. 

I  beg  you  to  mark  my  respects  to  ye  Town  &  to  assure  them  of  my 
readiness  in  all  cases  &  upon  all  occasions  to  engage  in  their  service 

I  beg  you  Gentlemen  to  accept  my  particular  respects — 
I  am  Gentlemen 

Yr  most  Obed 
&  most  humbly 

T  Pownall 
To  the  Honle  James  Bowdoin  Esqr 

To  Sam1  Pemberton 

Joseph  Warren  Esqrs— 
Committee  of  ye  Town  of  Boston. 


JAMES  COGSWELL. 


James  Cogswell  to  Levi  Hart,  "Bishop  of  a  church  in  Preston,"  Conn. 

Camp  in  Roxbury   15th  June  1775. 

Dear  Sir: 

In  much  confusion  &  noise  I  set  down  to  answer  your  very  wel 
come  favour  which  I  received  this  morning.  The  news  of  Mrs.  Wood- 
bridges  death  was  very  affecting;  but  the  pain  much  alleviated  by  the 
thoughts  of  her  mingling  the  holy  society  above,  leaving  this  dreadfulf 
world,  this  guilty  land,  dressed  in  all  the  horrors  of  war  full  of  all  kinds 
of  impurity,  for  the  pure  peaceable  fruition  of  the  liberty  of  the  sons 
of  God. 

I  will  proceed  to  answer  your  queries  as  well  as  I  am  able,  tho'  I 
must  be  but  brief. 

As  to  the  moral  state  of  the  Camp  it  is  bad;  I  see  no  kind  of 
seriousness;  but  on  the  contrary  my  ears  are  filled  with  the  most 
shocking  oaths,  &  implications;  &  the  tremendous  name  of  the  great 
God  is  taken  on  the  most  trifling  occations.  The  principle  part  of  the 
Troops  that  are  here  belong  to  this  &  Rhode  Island  Government; 
ours  are  not  so  bad  as  theirs  but  we  are  far  from  having  anything  to 
boast  of. 

As  to  the  preaching  I  am  not  able  to  judge,  I  heard  Mr.  Gordon 
last  Sabbath  &  have  not  attended  to  our  Chaplain ;  but  from  what  I 
can  guess,  from  his  conversation  &c  I  shall  be  disappointed  if  it  is  of 
the  best  kind.  Mr.  Spring  &  Mr.  Fish  of  Upton  are  here ;  indeed  the1 
Camp  abound  with  Clergymen,  many  of  whom  are  very  boon  com 
panions;  I  have  not  consulted  the  general  yet  about  the  expediency 
of  your  coming;  his  mind  is  full  of  more  important  matters,  (if  I  may 
be  allowed  to  say  so)  he  is  wholly  taken  up  with  his  business  as  a 
Soldier.  We  expect  every  day  a  visit  from  our  Neighbours  and  we 
are  not  in  circumstances  to  give  them  that  reception  which  we  wish. 
We  are  going  to  open  intrenchments  to  day  in  some  places  out  of  the 
view  of  the  enemies  camp  &  to  night  upon  Dorchester  neck,  I  sup 
pose  that  will  provoke  the  enimies  fire.  As  to  the  numbers  killed 
on  Noodles  Island  I  can  get  no  satisfactory  accounts,  it  has  got  to 
be  an  old  story  here  &  little  is  said  about  it,  I  do  not  think  there  was 
more  killed  than  40  or  50.  Mr.  Pitkin  from  Farmington  came  into 
Town  last  evening.  I  hope  to  see  you  here  this  Summer,  tho'  I  be 
lieve  it  not  best  for  you  to  come  at  present.  Dr.  Elliot  came  out  of 
Boston  the  day  before  Yesterday,  he  went  over  Charlestown  Ferry, 
so  I  am  not  able  to  say  what  intelligence  he  brings.  There  was  an 
exchange  of  Prisoners  last  week.  The  soldiers  that  returned  to  Bos 
ton  told  their  comrades  of  the  kind  treatment  they  met  with  from  us, 

24 


it  made  some  disturbance  in  the  camp  but  they  were  hushed  by  the 
officers,  --  General  Gage  has  published  a  manifesto  offering  pardon 
to  all  the  Rebels  except  Hancock  &  Adams,  I  have  not  been  able  to 
procure  one  to  send  to  you ;  it  will  likely  be  in  the  public  papers. 

General  Spencer  sends  his  regards  to  you.     I  am  dear  Sr.  by  a 
thousand  obligations 

Yours 

James  Cogswell. 
Mr.  Hart. 


EZRA  SELDEN. 


Ezra  Scldcn  to  Nathan  Hale. 

Roxbury  Camp  June  25th  1775 
Sir 

I  just  have  remembrance  of  my  engagement  to  you  as  well  as  to 
Numbers  of  others  which  I  cannot  fulfill  We  came  into  Roxbury 
on  Sunday  about  Five  o  Clock  they  have  been  firing  upon  Roxbury 
a  great  Part  of  Saturday  killed  one  Man  June  24  have  been  firing 
upon  Roxbury  Saturday  afternoon  and  killed  two  Men  with  small 
arms  which  through  presumtion  attempted  to  set  on  fire  their  guard 
house  supposing  that  they  had  quited  their  house  but  they  ran  in 
great  numbers  from  behind  the  house  fired  upon  them  both  of  which 
were  taken  one  of  them  was  run  throng  with  Bayonets  and  carried 
of  in  that  manner  none  others  hurt  they  made  sume  shingles  fly 
and  some  dust  &  a  small  matter  of  Dust  with  their  Bums  though  our 
people  feard.  them  but  tryfling  one  inarched  up  and  pulled  out  the 
fuse  carried  the  Bum  to  head  Quarters  the  chief  of  the  Ball  would 
be  taken  up  before  they  had  done  roling  The  Inhabitance  have  done 
comeing  out  of  Boston  almost  The  number  of  those  Slain  in  the 
Battle  between  Putnam  and  the  Gagites  is  uncertain  By  Letters 
from  Gentlemen  in  Boston  Gage  has  his  Army  Sixteen  hundred  worse 
than  before  the  Engagement  Putnam  by  the  Doctars  Account  has 
and  will  lose  150  Men  some  number  of  those  Provintials  that  were 
taken  Prisoners  have  sent  out  letters  by  way  of  the  Guards  both  ways 
The  Contents  if  any  I  cannot  Procure  further  than  that  they  are  very 
well  treated  Sunday  night  June  25th  A  number  of  Rode  Hand  Men 
under  took  to  set  on  fire  their  Guard  house  upon  Boston  neck  but 
were  prevented  some  fires  were  exchanged  on  both  sides  but  I  dont 
learn  as  any  were  hurt  on  either  side 

The  Soldier  live  in  houses  as  many  as  can  &  more  also  But  are  not 
so  healthy  as  those  in  Tents  of  Which  number  we  are  I  dont  learn 
any  thing  worth  mentioning  our  fort  upon  the  hill  near  the  meeting 

25 


house  contains  about  i  &  Y$  acre  of  Land  we  have  another  Batery 
where  the  rodes  part  that  comes  out  of  Boston  have  also  two  more 
upon  the  neck  one  of  them  against  the  Burying  Yard  — 

Ezra  Selden 
N.  B.     Cap*  Ely's  &  Clefs  Companies  came  in  on  Sunday 

To 

Mr.  Nathan  Hale 
New  London  in  Connecticut 


GEORGE  ROSS. 


Circular  Letter  from  Governor  Ross. 

Friends  &  Fellow  Countrymen. 

My  Knowledge  of  your  Zeal  and  Affection  for  your  Country,  & 
your  animated  Resolution  to  defend  every  thing  dear  &  valuable 
among  Men,  induces  me  at  this  Period,  when  all  is  lost,  without  vigor 
ous  Exertions  of  the  Power  &  Strength  of  this  State,  to  call  on  you 
without  Delay  to  step  forth  into  the  Field,  under  Confidence  in  God 
of  the  uprightness  of  your  Cause,  which  will  insure  Victory  over 
Enemies  glorying  in  every  Act  of  Outrage  &  Impiety,  &  debauching 
your  Wives  &  Daughters  in  the  Face  of  the  Sun,  as  if  they  were 
cursed  of  the  Lord.  The  ravish'd  Maiden,  the  insulted  Parent,  the 
buffeted  hoary  Head  whose  feeble  Arm  cannot  resent  the  Injury;  nay, 
their  God  &  your  God  call  on  you  to  drive  from  this  once  happy  Land, 
those  bold  &  impious  Invaders  of  your  Place. 

Our  worthy  Countryman  General  Mifflen,  at  the  Request  of  Con 
gress  goes  to  Lancaster  on  Saturday,  to  assist  you  in  forming  such 
Measures,  as  to  enable  you  to  exert  your  whole  Strength  at  this  Time, 
therfore  let  as  many  of  the  Officers  &  privates  of  every  Battalion  as 
conveniently  can  go  &  be  useful,  report  there  on  that  Day,  &  in  the 
mean  Time  inform  the  whole  Battalions  of  the  Business,  that  they 
may  be  enabled  immediately  to  execute,  whatever  may  be  determined 
on  in  that  meeting. 

I  am  with  much  Esteem 

Yr  Friend  &  Ser1. 

Geo.  Ross. 
To 

Col.  James  Burd 
&  the  Officers  &  privates 
of  his  Battalion. 
Reading  i6th  Decemr  I776.1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.E.g.34] . 

26 


FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE. 


Continental  Board  of  War  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland. 

War  Office  Jany  i;th  1778 
Sir 

I  have  been  duly  honoured  with  your  Favour  of  the  IIth  instant. 
The  Committee  to  whom  I  communicated  it  feel  themselves  happy  in 
the  Anticipation  of  the  Supply  they  shall  acquire  from  your  Exertions 
the  Necessity  whereof  still  continues  &  Things  yet  bear  the  same  un 
favourable  Aspect.  Pork  can  be  procured  here  at  £4.  .10^  hundred 
but  Salt  is  not  to  be  had  for  curing  any  large  Quantity.  The  Com 
mittee  will  not  prescribe  Price  or  any  other  Matter  to  you  as  they  are 
so  perfectly  satisfied  of  your  better  Judgment  in  the  Business  arising 
within  your  State.  The  Seisures  &  Certificates  in  Consequence  of  them 
were  intended  to  be  levelled  against  &  given  to  Engrossers  &  Specu 
lators  great  Numbers  of  whom  abound  in  the  State  of  Maryland  equal 
at  least  to  Persons  of  that  pernicious  Cast  in  any  other  State.  They 
extend  their  Purchases  &  Influence  into  this  State  wherein  the  Board 
of  War  have  had  repeated  Information  they  have  purchased  up  great 
Quantities  of  Provisions  &  every  Article  wanted  for  the  Army.  These 
avaritious  &  dangerous  People  had  raised  the  Expectations  of  the 
People  so  high  that  no  reasonable  Price  would  command  their  Como- 
dities.  This  consideration  induced  the  idea  of  Seisures  &  Certificates 
&  the  Comittee  cannot  but  think  that  the  severest  Steps  would  be 
justifiable  with  People  whose  sole  Motive  was  Gain.  Any  Loss  they 
may  sustain  will  be  but  a  proper  Punishment.  As  to  the  Persons  who 
grow  or  raise  Provisions  on  their  Farms  the  Case  is  to  be  sure  dif 
ferent.  The  Comittee  are  Sensible  of  the  Justice  of  your  Excellency's 
Observations  as  to  the  Bay  Navigation.  They  shew  too  the  Necessity 
of  forwarding  everything  we  can  during  the  Winter  when  the  Men  of 
War  do  not  venture  so  high  up  the  Bay.  Your  Sentiments  as  to  the 
Necessity  of  building  Boats  of  a  proper  Construction  have  been  laid 
before  the  Marine  Comittee  who  have  had  some  such  Measure  in 
Contemplation  &  will  no  Doubt  immediately  take  Steps  for  having 
them  built.  Mean  time  if  your  Excellency  can  have  Tobacco  Flatts 
Shallops  or  other  Craft  fitted  for  temporary  Purpose  all  Expences  in 
hiring  buying  or  repairing  them  will  be  borne.  The  Treasury  Board 
will  take  Care  to  furnish  the  necessary  Supply  of  Cash  &  either  trans- 
mitt  it  to  you  or  pay  your  Drafts  as  you  shall  deem  most  proper.  I 
enclose  the  Information  herewith  sent  for  your  Excellency's  Consider 
ation  &  Enquiry  & 

have  the  Honour  to  be 

Your  very  obed  Serv* 

Francis  Lightfoot  Lee. 
His  Excellency  T  Johnson  Esq  Govr  of  Maryland.1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.E.g.is]. 

27 


WILLIAM  WHIPPLE. 


William  Whipple  to  Josiah  Bartlett. 

Philadelphia  ye  21st  May  1779. 
My  Dear  Sir 

My  last  I  think  was  ye  IIth  inst  since  which  I  have  not  been 
favored  with  any  of  Yours,  I  have  been  some  time  in  expectation  of  a 
Colleague  to  supply  the  place  of  Mr :  Frost,  who  I  suppose  must  have 
been  at  home  some  weeks.  My  Task  is  really  arduous,  but  my  anxiety 
to  see  a  determination  of  some  important  matters  now  under  con 
sideration  prevents  my  pressing  a  speedy  relief.  The  State  of  the 
currency  is  truely  deplorable,  but  not  so  alarming  in  my  judgment  as 
the  failure  of  public  Virtue,  the  former  may  possibly  be  assisted  by 
human  means,  but  we  must  depend  on  him  who  alone  can  control  the 
hearts  of  men  to  establish  the  latter;  —  We  are  now  about  trying 
once  more  what  can  be  done  to  save  the  sinking  credit  of  the  money, 
the  prevailing  Opinion  is  that  nothing  will  do  but  (I  was  going  to  say) 
excessive  Taxes,  but  I  will  soften  the  epithet,  &  adopt  the  words  very 
high  if  a  sufficiency  can  be  raised  by  Taxes  to  support  the  war,  farther 
emissions  will  be  unnecessary,  this  is  part  of  the  plan  now  under  con 
sideration  ,  a  consequent  Resolution  past  this  day  to  raise  45,000,000. 
to  be  paid  in  by  the  Ist  of  Jan^.  I  must  suspend  giving  you  my  Opinion 
of  this  measure  for  the  present,  let  it  suffice  to  say  there  was  a  great 
Majority  in  favour  of  the  question,  &  but  a  small  Majority  against  the 
Question  for  60,000,000.  this  is  a  bold  political  stroke,  and  I  hope  will 
be  carried  into  effect,  as  to  all  appearance  nothing  else  can  save  us 
from  destruction,  the  People  in  this  part  of  the  Country  are  every 
where  clamerous  for  heavy  Taxes,  the  greatest  difficulty  appears  to 
me  is,  the  levying  it  on  the  proper  persons,  if  the  whole  sum  could  be 
drawn  from  those  speculating  miscreants,  who  have  been  sucking  the 
Blood  of  their  country,  it  would  be  a  most  happy  circumstance  and  I 
hope  the  assessors  will  be  particularly  attentive  to  those  people,  He 
who  increases  in  wealth  in  such  times  as  the  present,  must  be  an  enemy 
to  his  Country,  be  his  pretentions  what  they  may. — If  the  Connecticut 
mode  of  collecting  Taxes,  was  adopted  the  business  would  be  much 
facilitated ;  In  that  state  five  or  six  Taxes  are  collected  in  a  Year  by 
that  means  they  collect  very  large  sums  without  produceing  the  least 
uneasiness  among  the  people  If  the  people  are  duely  impress'd  with 
the  advantages  they  will  derive  from  paying  in  their  money  while  it  is 
at  the  present  low  state  they  certainly  will  do  it  with  chearfulness.  — 
Spirited  measures  with  the  Property  of  the  fugitives,  as  well  as  with 
the  persons  of  the  resident  enemies,  to  the  Revolution,  would  in  my 
Humble  Opinion  have  an  exceeding  good  effect,  at  this  particular 
crisis.  — 

The  Enemy  seemed  determined  to  carry  on  a  predatory  war  agree 
able  to  the  threats  held  up  in  the  British  Commissioners  Proclamation 

28 


last  Summer,  their  conduct  in  Virginia  is  an  evidence  of  this,  for  the 
particulars  I  must  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  the  new  papers  —  Time 
only  can  inform  us  of  the  events  of  the  present  Campaign,  but  this  we 
may  be  assured  of,  that  nothing  is  so  likely  to  give  us  success  as 
vigorous  &  decisive  measures  both  in  council  &  in  the  Field  —  a  Mr 
Hamilton  Gov  of  Detroit  is  taken  prisoner  (by  Major  Clark  of  Vir 
ginia)  with  his  Garrison  at  a  post  he  held  on  the  Ohio,  this  vipers  nest 
has  been  exceedingly  troublesome  to  our  frontiers,  Whether  our 
troubles  in  that  quarter  will  be  soon  ended,  depends  on  the  success  of 
the  expedition  into  that  Country  under  the  command  of  Gen1  Sulli 
van. —  Whether  we  shall  have  any  naval  assistance  from  our  ally 
(depends  in  my  judgment)  on  the  Chapter  of  accidents  but  this  is  not 
the  Opinion  of  many  others ;  but  Mum ! 

I  want  every  State  in  the  Union  to  feel  the  importance  of  Sov 
ereignty,  &  I  wish  the  United  States  were  fully  sensible  of  their 
Importance  among  the  powers  of  the  Earth;  we  should  then  under 
Heaven  depend  on  our  own  strength,  &  banish  from  among  us  every 
Idea  of  servility,  which  now  like  the  Tares  among  the  wheat,  prevents 
the  growth  of  that  virtuous  republican  pride  so  essential  to  the  happi 
ness  of  America.  — 

You  have  several  times  mention'd  to  me  the  Flagg  that  was  de- 
tain'd  by  order  of  Congress  &  as  I  know  the  importunity  of  the  people 
must  be  very  troublesome  I  heartily  wish  Congress  could  be  prevailed 
on  to  decide  on  that  matter  but  from  various  causes  nothing  has  yet 
been  done  'tho  several  reports  have  been  made  &  recommitted,  on  the 
whole  I  think  it  will  be  best  for  the  executive  authority  of  the  State  to 
act  their  own  judgment  in  that  matter 

Mr :  Emerson  of  Durham  who  was  a  Commissioner  of  accts :  died 
here  last  week  of  the  small  pox  after  three  or  four  days  illness.  I  shall 
get  what  information  I  can  of  his  affairs  here,  for  the  satisfaction  of 

his  Family,  with  whom  I  most  heartily  sympathise. 

I  am  very  sincerely 
Your  friend  &  Hume.  Sv*. 

Wm :  Whipple 
Honble  Col.  Bartlett.1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.E.g.46]. 


ADDRESS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 

REGIMENTS   TO    MAJOR    GENERAL 

WILLIAM  HEATH. 


Sr— 

From  your  well  known  Attachment  to  the  Interest  of  your 
Country,  and  you  being  the  senior  General  in  the  State  to  which  we 
have  the  happiness  to  belong,  we  are  induced  to  address  you  on  a 
subject  not  only  of  the  most  serious  Importance  and  lasting  con 
sequence  to  the  Army;  but  as  we  conceive,  of  great  weight  to  the 
Country  at  large—  -  Indeed  the  Idea  of  being  under  the  necessity 
of  recapitulating  Grievances  is  truly  painfull  and  distressing.  But  the 
necessity  is  real  and  indispensible.  While  we  view  the  rapid  progress 
of  those  Measures  which  tend  not  only  to  the  Destruction  of  the 
Army,  as  a  Body :  but  the  utter  ruin  of  the  Individuals  who  compose 
it,  we  should  be  lost  to  every  Sense  of  Virtue,  Honor,  Justice,  Hu 
manity  &  Patriotism  to  be  silent  — 

You  cannot  be  insensible,  Sir,  of  the  Terms  upon  which  the  Troops 
of  our  State  engaged  in  the  present  Army,  Terms  the  most  distant 
from  any  Degree  of  Parsimony  and  replete  with  the  most  generous 
Emoluments  — 

The  Resolves  of  Court  of  the  Ist  November  1776  are  perhaps  the 
most  generous  and  liberal  to  be  produced  on  the  Continent ;  Having 
the  public  faith  thus  plighted  to  us,  well  might  we  suppose  ourselves 
and  Families  secure  from  the  Evils  attendant  on  even  a  vastly  de 
preciated  Currency:  But  unhappy  for  us,  we  speak  it  with  Pain  and 
reluctance,  the  salutary  effects  of  their  Bounty  have  never  reached 
us  —  the  liberal  diffusive  streams  of  State  Generosity  with  which  we 
have  been  amused  have  never  been  opened  to  us,  or  at  best  have 
flowed  in  so  scanty  and  feeble  a  Manner  as  hardly  to  be  perceptible : 
and  at  those  Moments  when  the  most  adequate  supplies  have  been 
expected,  our  hopes  have  been  defeated,  and  we  have  found  ourselves 
immersed  in  Disappointment  and  want. 

Had  public  promises  been  fulfilled  to  a  tittle,  the  Depreciation  of 
the  Money  alone  would  have  afforded  ample  foundation  —  This  must 
have  been  a  Burden  of  itself  almost  insupportable,  but  both  Evils  who 
could  bear?  What  could  more  readily  and  effectually  awake  our 
Resentment  than  to  hear  from  our  dearest  connections  at  home,  that 

30 


the  Necessaries  of  Life  were  monopolized  and  withheld,  their  Currency 
refused  and  despised,  their  distressed  Situation  ridiculed,  and  they 
suffering  every  Evil  incident  to  the  meanest  Slaves,  and  most  abject 
Dependents  —  What  can  Men  engaged  in  the  service  of  their  Country 
promise  themselvs  for  a  Virtuous  perseverance  in  its  Difence  when 
Instances  of  Neglect  and  Ingratitude  are  daily  exhibited  towards 
them  —  Can  it  possibly  be  right  in  the  Eyes  of  that  God,  to  whom 
America  has  appealled  for  the  Rectitude  of  her  Intentions  and  the 
Justice  of  her  Cause,  to  reward  those  who  have  stepped  forth  for  the 
Defence  of  the  Rights  of  Mankind,  with  abuse,  poverty  and  Raggs  — 
or  is  it  possible  any  Man  ever  attached  to  the  Interest  of  his  Country 
should  be  thus  dead  to  every  sentiment  of  Justice  and  Propriety  — 
forbid  it  Virtue,  Honor  and"  every  virtuous  principle  of  the  human 
heart. 

We  find,  Sir,  in  answer  to  the  present  Complaints  of  the  Army 
that  frequent  mention  is  made  of  the  Resolve  of  the  Court  of  the  4th 
of  February  last,  by  which  the  Money  is  to  be  made  good  at  the  close 
of  the  present  War,  and  certain  Sums  granted  for  the  present  Relief 
of  the  Army.  However  good  this  Resolve  might  have  been  in  itself  it 
must  be  very  apparent  to  every  one  that  the  benevolent  purposes  of 
it  have  been  Defeated  in  one  Instance  by  the  rapid  Depreciation  of  the 
Currency  from  the  Date  of  the  Resolve  to  the  Time  the  Sums  granted 
became  payable.  This  disagreable  Circumstance  prevented  us  from 
experiencing  that  Relief  from  the  Act  we  at  that  Time  expected  — 

With  regard  to  the  Money  being  made  good  at  the  close  of  the 
present  War  we  would  observe,  Sir,  that  Period  indeterminate  un 
certain  and  perhaps  at  a  distance  that  if  we  could  even  subsist  .without 
it,  we  conceive  we  should  be  wanting  to  ourselves  to  risque  it  upon 
so  precarious  a  footing:  But  this  is  not  the  Case,  we  cannot  subsist 
without  a  part  of  it,  not  to  mention  many  obvious  Reasons  the  possi 
bility  of  Artfull  desining  Men  gaining  ground  and  wresting  the  mean 
ing  of  Laws  to  answer  the  purposes  of  Interest  and  Ambition  ought 
to  put  us  upon  our  Guard  and  make  us  insist  upon  the  Matter  being 
precisely  fixed  and  indisputably  sure.  Our  Pay,  Sir.  is  our  property 
and  the  Moment  it  becomes  due  we  can  demand  it  as  a  matter  of 
Right  - 

If  this  be  true  it  must  be  unjust  to  deprive  of  it  against  our  Con 
sent.  We  would  ask  what  Men  there  are  in  the  State  who  have  trusted 
the  public  upon  similiar  Terms  with  the  Army  —  Upon  examination 
we  believe  there  will  be  found  none  —  Sureties  have  been  ever  given 
where  Money  was  concerned  — 

You  must  be  sensible,  Sir,  those  who  ingaged  in  the  present  War, 
did  it  under  every  disadvantage,  they  put  every  thing  to  the  Hazzard. 
Had  the  Country  fallen  they  of  all  Men  must  have  been  the  most 
miserable,  the  fury  of  a  relentless  Conqueror  would  have  been  wreaked 
with  double  Vengeance  upon  them  —  however  the  Consideration  has 
not  been  sufficient  to  deter  them  from  the  Glorious  pursuit,  despising 


and  resolutely  incountering  Difficulties  they  have  been  so  happy  as 
to  prove  themselves  superior  to  both  — 

The  Idea  of  raising  ourselves  above  our  fellow  Citizens  at  Home, 
has  been  of  all  others  the  most  distant  from  our  Minds  —  as  we  have 
embarked  on  the  same  Bottom  with  them  —  our  only  wish  has  been 
to  rise  or  fall  with  them,  and  as  on  the  one  hand  we  never  entertained 
the  Idea  of  exalting  ourselves  above  our  Brethren  so  on  the  other 
Hand  it  has  been  and  still  is  our  unalterable  Determination  never  to 
be  depressed  below  them  — 

Common  Honesty  dictates  that  Men  who  leaving  their  private 
concerns  devoting  their  time  to  the  service  of  their  Country  like  all 
other  Servants  should  be  supported  —  The  Question  then  is,  Sir,  what 
that  Support  should  be  —  we  think  it  clear,  it  ought  to  be  such  as  to 
preserve  ourselves  and  Families  from  Distress  and  Want,  and  render 
each  officer  in  proportion  to  his  Rank  capable  of  discharging  his  Duty 
with  Reputation  to  himself  and  advantage  to  his  Country  - 

We  very  readily  acknowledge  the  Adequacy  of  our  Pay  with  the 
other  promised  Emoluments  at  the  Time  of  our  Contract  with  the 
public  for  the  purposes  of  our  support:  But  our  Emoluments  have 
been  so  small  and  the  real  Value  of  the  Sums  we  receive  for  our  Pay 
so  perfectly  trifling,  we  think  it  a  direct  affront  upon  the  common 
Understanding  of  any  Man,  should  we  attempt  to  prove  their  utter 
insufficiency  even  for  the  sole  purpose  of  our  personal  subsistence  in 
the  Field ;  Was  this  a  necessary  Consequence  of  an  Inability  in  the 
Country  we  might  bear  it  patiently  in  Silence ;  but  when  we  see  our 
Country-men  almost  universally  basking  themselves  in  the  Sunshine 
of  Affluence  Wealth  and  Plenty  not  even  denying  themselves  the 
Luxuries  of  Life,  we  must  certainly  be  divested  of  the  Sentiments  of 
Men  of  Spirit  and  the  feelling,  of  Human  Nature  not  to  murmur  - 
the  more  as  we  conceive  this  to  be  one  of  the  great  Sourses  from  which 
our  present  Evils  have  Originated  —  If  we  may  Judge,  Sir,  from  the 
General  Conduct  of  Men  we  shall  be  justified  in  the  Suspicion  that 
a  Neglect  and  Inattention  will  soon  take  place  in  our  fellow  Citizens 
in  General  towards  their  Brethren  in  the  Field  — 

But  does  the  public  good  require  that  we  should  be  marked  out 
for  special  Ruin  -  -  Is  this  the  Price  for  which  the  Liberties  and 
Independence  of  America  are  to  be  purchased  —  We  please  ourselves 
it  is  not.  We  conceive  that  Life  Health  Property  and  Reputation  too, 
perhaps  are  too  great  Sacrifices  to  be  made  by  any  one  Class  of  Men 
whatever  —  does  Reason  Justice  or  Patriotism  require  it  —  does  it 
accord  with  that  Patriotick  and  disinterested  spirit  —  That  mutual 
regard  and  warm  Attachment  to  each  others  Interest  which  so  richly 
distinguished  America  from  the  rest  of  the  World  at  the  Commence 
ment  of  her  late  Revolution  — 

Invain,  Sir,  do  we  look  for  that  Sympathy  for  the  distressed,  that 
regard  to  Justice  and  enthusiastic  Love  of  Liberty  which  at  the  begin 
ning  of  this  War  possessed  and  fired  every  feeling  Breath  and  with  as 
little  effect  do  we  seek  that  determined  Spirit  of  Resolution  which 

32 


gave  Energy  Force  and  permanence  to  every  public  Measure  —  Not 
withstanding  what  may  be  said  of  Individuals,  the  People  at  large  and 
the  present  disagreable  Aspect,  we  can  assure  you  of  our  full  Con 
fidence  in  the  Wisdom  Justice  and  public  Spirit  of  the  supreme  Legis 
lature  of  the  State  and  we  doubt  not  that  upon  an  impartial  view  of 
our  suffering  Situation  suitable  Means  will  be  adopted  for  our  Relief, 
at  least  we  presage  this  from  what  has  already  been  done  and  their 
Native  regard  to  Justice  and  Equity  —  And  here,  Sir,  we  beg  leave  to 
question  the  possibility  of  supplying  the  wants  of  the  Army  till  a  more 
liberal  Taxation  takes  place  than  has  hitherto  been  adopted  -  -  We 
conceive  that  the  Value  of  the  Money  will  be  inhanced  nearly  in 
proportion  to  the  Quantity  taken  out  of  Circulation  and  at  the  same 
Time  that  it  increases  the  Finances  of  the  State  it  renders  the  Situa 
tion  of  the  Army  more  easy,  however  we  are  sensible  this  must  be  a 
work  of  Time.  Wherefore  to  remedy  the  Evil  we  now  feel,  And 
relieve  us  from  the  present  Anxiety,  can  it  be  though  [t]  unreasonable 
to  suggest  that  such  Sums  might  be  immediately  granted  as  shall  be 
necessary  to  relieve  the  present  Exigences  of  each  Officer  according 
to  his  Rank,  and  that  such  Sums  may  be  continued  from  time  to  Time 
so  long  as  the  state  of  the  Currency  shall  render  it  necessary ;  and  the 
Sums  so  granted  to  be  charged  to  the  Account  of  each  Officer  re 
spectively.  — 

Unless  something  of  this  kind  takes  place  we  must  confess,  Sir, 
it  appears  not  at  all  difficult  to  determine  the  Consequence,  the  many 
and  daily  Resignations  of  Officers  most  clearly  point  it  out  — 

In  Justice  to  noncommissioned  Officers  and  Soldiers  who  are  un 
married  we  must  think  them  entitled  to  something  annually  or  oftener, 
than  barely  the  nominal  sum  to  which  their  Pay  amounts,  and  cannot 
but  wish  as  they  are  the  Flower  of  the  Army  that  some  consideration 
may  be  made  them  for  their  faithful  services,  and  further  incourage- 
ment  in  the  service  of  their  Country  — 

Next  to  the  immediate  Relief  of  the  Army  we  would  propose,  Sir, 
that  at  least  by  the  first  day  of  January  next  an  adjustment  be  made 
of  the  Accounts  of  each  Officer  and  Soldier  and  that  security  be  given 
by  the  State  for  such  Sums  as  shall  be  found  due  on  such  Adjust 
ment.  And  that  in  future  an  Annual  settlement  be  made  by  a  Com 
mittee  from  the  Honorable  Court,  which  shall  confer  with  a  Committee 
from  the  several  Regiments  and  the  adjustments  of  those  Committees 
shall  be  laid  before  the  House  for  Approbation,  and  when  approved 
by  them  securities  given  for  such  sums  as  shall  be  found  due  — 

In  order  to  prevent  the  Officers  from  being  under  the  Necessity 
of  Leaving  Camp  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  for  themselves 
Clothing,  and  the  Soldiers  from  the  dangerous  necessity  of  being 
without  shoes,  Hose  and  Shirts,  a  considerabe  part  of  the  Year  (which 
has  ever  been  the  case)  we  think  it  highly  reasonable,  and  necessary 
that  the  former  be  furnished  with  a  suit  of  Cloaths  compleat ;  and  the 
latter  two  shirts,  two  pair  of  Hose  and  four  pair  of  Shoes  annually 
and  be  charged  to  their  respective  Accounts  and  settled  at  the  Annual 
Adjustment  — 

33 


With  Regard  to  the  Sums  to  be  advanced  we  conceive,  Sir,  that 
this  in  a  great  Measure  depends  on  the  Resolve  of  Court  of  November 
Ist  1776  in  which  Ample  Supplies  of  certain  necessaries  were  ing-aged 
to  us,  and  on  which  we  ingaged  being  impartially  and  liberally  com 
plied  with  — 

We  would  remark  here  for  the  comfort  convenience  and  Health 
of  the  Army  the  absolute  Necessity  of  a  liberal  Supply  of  the  Articles 
innumerated  in  the  Resolve  as  without  them  we  are  confined  to  the 
use  of  Animal  Food  at  all  times,  the  ill  consequences  of  which  have 
been  no  oftener  lamented  than  felt  in  the  production  of  putrid,  Billious, 
and  other  dangerous  and  mortal  Disorders  — 

We  would  observe  also  that  Tea  by  Experience  is  found  to  be 
much  cheaper  than  Coffee  as  this  Point  is  of  great  Moment  to  the 
State  we  flatter  ourselves  it  will  gain  the  particular  attention  of  the 
Honorable  Assembly  — 

As  we  think  it  our  Duty  to  point  out  whatever  appears  to  us 
calculated  to  promote  the  Reputation  and  good  of  the  State  and  as 
Recruits  are  now  inlisting;  we  take  the  Liberty  to  ask  what  possible 
Objections  can  be  given  against  these  Men  who  are  now  engaged  for 
three  years  only  (and  whose  times  will  expire  with  the  present  Year) 
having  the  same  Bounties  and  encouragement  given  them  for  inlisting 
for  the  War  after  the  Expiration  of  their  present  Term  as  those  who 
are  now  out  of  the  Service.  We  consider  the  Arguments  in  favor  of 
this  to  be  powerfull  and  the  probability  of  Success  in  recruiting 
promissing,  and  doubt  not  should  the  Encouragement  be  extended  to 
them,  the  greater  part,  if  not  the  whole  of  this  Class  of  Men  would 
immediately  engage  — 

We  apprehend,  Sir,  should  this  take  place  it  would  be  highly 
necessary  that  some  suitable  Person  be  appointed  as  Commisary  of 
Musters  either  for  the  whole,  or  one  for  each  Brigade,  who  should 
muster  the  recruited  Men,  and  whose  Certificate  of  their  having  passed 
muster  together  with  that  of  the  Col°.  or  commanding  Officer  of  the 
Regiment  into  which  they  shall  inlist  shall  be  sufficient  to  draw  a 
Warrent  from  Council  for  their  Bounty,  in  the  same  way  we  propose 
all  new  Recruits  from  the  Country  be  Mustered  —  We  would  beg  leave 
further  to  observe,  Sir,  that  we  think  it  would  greatly  tend  to  the  well 
being  of  the  Regiments  and  Satisfaction  of  the  Court  to  have  some 
Persons  appointed  by  that  Honorable  Body  to  correspond  with  the 
Officers  of  the  Army  as  they  shall  think  proper;  by  which  the  Cir 
cumstances  Wants  &c  of  the  Army  may  be  fully  known  to  the  Court, 
and  the  Prospect  of  Supplies  &c.  known  to  the  Army.  We  are  led  to 
believe  this  would  have  a  happy  Tendency  to  prevent  many  Com 
plaints  Uneasinesses  and  Jealousies  which  may  take  place  both  in  the 
Army  and  Court  — 

Painfull  as  the  task  may  be  of  complaining  of  the  Expense  Vexa 
tion  loss  of  time  and  Delays  which  have  attended  our  frequent  appli 
cation  for  supplies  granted  by  Courts  yet  we  are  compelled  to  the 
Measure  as  the  whole  of  the  Articles  in  some  Instances  would  scarcely 

34 


defray  the  necessary  Expences  arising  from  such  Attendance  of  In 
dividuals,  we  complain  not  without  a  Cause,  the  Facts  are  well  known 
to  every  one,  all  we  wish  is  a  Remedy  - 

We  are  constrained  also  to  mention  the  Neglect  of  some  Agents 
in  not  forwarding  the  state  Donations  so  early  as  was  the  Intention  of 
Court,  by  which  Means  (and  the  State  Commissaries  not  having 
Shirts,  Shoes  and  Hose  to  sell  them)  the  Soldiers  have  often  been 
disheartened  and  rendered  unfit  for  Duty  — 


High  Lands  August      th.  1779 


The  Honle.  Major  Gen1.  Heath 


Jn°.  Bayley  Col. 
Jon°.  Gr[e]aton  Col. 
Rufus  Putnam  Col. 
Mich1.  Jackson  Col. 
Thomas  Marshal  Col 


Committee 


PHILIP  MAZZEI. 


Philip  Massei  to  Thomas  Jefferson. 

Paris,  April  21st  1780. 
Sir, 

The  first  time  I  Spoke,  according  to  my  Instructions,  to  Dr  frank 
lin  on  the  purport  of  my  mission,  he  observed  that  so  many  people  had 
come  to  Europe  from  every  State  on  that  kind  of  business,  that  they 
had  ruined  our  credit,  &  made  the  money-men  Shy  of  us.  I  said  that 
Virginia  should  not  partake  of  the  blame  on  my  account,  as  I  would 
not  let  them  know  my  business,  unless  I  was  pretty  well  Sure  of  Suc 
cess.  Having  Since  taken  the  opportunity  of  mentioning  the  Subject 
several  times  to  him,  he  never  failed  giving  Some  marks  of  disappro 
bation  &  displeasure.  About  3.  weeks  past  (that  is  to  say  about  a 
month  Since  I  had  first  mentioned  the  matter  to  him)  his  reflections 
induced  me  to  observe,  that  while  Congress  called  on  the  Several 
States  to  Supply  their  men  in  the  Continental  Army  with  things, 
which  must  be  got  from  Europe,  it  became  a  necessity  for  them  to 
Seek  for  credit  &  money ;  that  the  person  Sent  by  the  States  on  that 
errand  may  perhaps  have  not  proceeded  with  all  the  discretion  re 
quired  in  Such  cases ;  but  as  to  the  dishonour  &  discredit,  which  you 
think,  Says  I,  that  they  have  brought  upon  us  by  Spreading  Such  an 
idea  of  American  poverty,  I  must  beg  leave  to  differ  from  you,  Sir, 
Since  all  Europe  knows,  that  we  want  a  great  many  things  from 
home :  that  we  have  no  Species :  &  that  we  cannot,  during  the  War, 
remit  enough  of  our  produce  to  pay  the  debts.  The  only  2.  points  to 
gain  are,  I  continued,  the  persuading  them  of  the  Solidity  &  resources 
of  the  States,  &  that  we  are  firmly  determined  to  keep  our  Independ 
ence  ;  &  then  mentioned  the  reasons  I  have  to  expect  that  I  Shall  be 

35 


believed  particularly  in  Florence  &  Genoa.  We  have  tried  in  Genoa, 
he  said,  without  effect.  As  I  had  informed  him  of  my  views  there 
from  the  beginning,  his  defering  So  long  to  acquaint  me  with  that  un 
lucky  trial  made  a  Sudden  &  disagreable  impression  on  my  Spirits 
for  a  double  reason.  But  that  was  nothing  in  comparison  to  what  I 
have  felt  to  day.  He  has  at  last  Signified  to  me  that  6  P.  cent  was 
offered.  But,  Sir,  Says  I  at  the  very  first  conversation  on  the  Subject 
I  informed  you  that  I  was  impowered  to  give  only  5;  had  I  known 
this  at  that  time  I  could  have  given  notice  of  it  by  Marquis  la  fayettc, 
&  the  Assembly  could  have  been  informed  of  it  in  the  Spring  Session. 
"I  din't  think  of  it,"  said  he  with  a  true  philosophical  indifference,  "it 
never  came  into  my  head."  I  have  lost  no  time,  Sir,  to  come  &  write 
you  the  intelligence,  with  which  I  have  been  most  disagreably  Sur 
prised  this  day,  knowing  that  there  is  at  Nantes  a  Vessel  ready  to 
Sail,  &  I  heartly  wish  that  you  may  receive  one  of  the  4  copies  before 
the  Assembly  rises.  You  will,  I  hope,  excuse  my  blundering  more 
than  usual,  as  I  am  really  disconcerted.  In  coming  from  the  Doctor, 
who  lives  3.  miles  out  of  the  Town,  I  was  a  thinking  what  to  do.  I 
have  resolved  to  proceed  on  my  journey  as  Soon  as  I  can  raise  money, 
&  to  go  &  lay  a  foundation  for  executing  the  orders  I  may  receive 
hereafter.  It  is  requisite  to  observe,  that  however  great  my  Success 
may  be  in  infusing  notions  of  our  Solidity  &  resources,  &  a  desire  of 
entering  into  our  views,  I  cannot  with  any  degree  of  prudence  men 
tion  the  terms  expressed  in  my  instructions,  as  Dr  Franklin's  offer  is 
certainly  known  every  where,  the  Experiment  have  been  tried  by  the 
medium  of  public  Bankers.  The  offering  less  than  it  has  already 
been  offered,  would  be  ridiculous,  &  perhaps  injurious  to  the  credit 
of  Congress.  If  the  State  should  not  like  the  terms,  I  might  act  for 
Congress,  &  probably  succeed,  although  others  have  failed.  I  intend 
to  mention  it  to  the  Doctor,  &  if  I  Should  meet  with  more  philosophy 
than  Zeal,  I  have  a  mind  to  explain  the  whole  matter  to  Mr.  John 
Adams  (if  he  affords  me  an  opening  to  do  it)  &  avail  myself  of  his 
advice  &  assistance.  The  established  character  of  his  great  abilities 
&  patriotism  all  over  the  Continent  would,  I  hope,  Sufficiently  war 
rant  my  Step,  besides  what  I  know  of  him  from  the  late  Governor,  & 
still  more  from  yourself.  I  hope  soon  to  entertain  you  with  some 
favourable  accounts  of  European  affairs,  &  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
most  respectfully, 

Sir, 

Your   Excellency's   most   Obedient 
&  most  Humble  Servant. 
Philip  Mazzei  a 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.y.ao]. 


JOHN  JAY. 

John  Jay  to  Silas  Dcanc. 

Madrid  I  Novr  1780 
Dear  Sir 

I  have  just  recd.  your  letter  of  the  16  Octr.  — T  How  happens  it 
that  you  do  not  yet  know  me?  Time  and  opportunity  have  not  been 
wanting  —  I  suspect  you  sometimes  seen  double  — 

If  my  Regard  for  my  friends  be  measured  by  the  Length  of  the 
Letters  I  write  them,  I  confess  they  have  often  Reason  to  complain, 
especially  as  a  constant  attention  to  matters  of  public  Concern,  leaves 
me  little  Leisure  for  that  pleasing  method  of  employing  ones  vacant 
Hours.  Not  many  Days  have  passed  since  I  wrote  you  a  Letter  of 
more  than  moderate  Length,  &  if  I  could  indulge  my  Inclinations,  you 
would  read  much  of  my  writing.  There  are  many  Subjects  both  in 
teresting  and  otherwise,  on  which  I  should  be  glad  to  converse  with 
you  either  on  Paper  or  in  person,  but  the  former  is  seldom  in  my  power, 
for  the  Reason  I  have  mentioned —  My  Question  about  Dr.  5[ancroft] 
and  Mr.  Cfarmichael]  was  not  with  his  knowing  or  by  his  request  —  nor 
shall  I  make  the  least  mention  of  your  Remark  on  that  Head  —  It  is 
a  matter  about  which  I  have  little  Curiosity,  and  could,  if  explained, 
be  no  further  useful  to  me,  than  as  the  Circumstances  which  gave 
Rise  to  it,  might  explain  Characters.  Could  I  transport  myself  for  a 
few  Hours  to  Passy,  we  should  find  ourselves  in  a  Situation  similar 
to  those  we  were  often  in  at  Mrs.  House's  in  1775  —  Letters  cannot 
effect  this  -  -  a  multiplicity  of  Circumstances  must  necessarily  be 
stated  and  combined  —  besides  I  perceive  that  you  neither  know  my 
Situation  respecting  certain  People  nor  I  yours.  I  am  convinced  that 
we  have  the  same  regard  for  each  other  as  before.  You  will  be  of  the 
same  opinion  if  Providence  should  again  give  us  an  Occasion  of  meet 
ing.  —  These  are  no  Times  to  bid  adieu  to  Politics  —  while  you  can 
be  useful  in  them,  dont  restrain  your  Pen  from  those  Subjects.  If 
ever  you  and  I  should  talk  over  these  matters,  yon  will  think  my  Let 
ters  less  reprehensible  —  In  my  last  I  told  you  that  Spain  wanted 
Mississippi —  A  Sheet  could  not  convey  more  to  a  Person  so  well 
acquainted  with  the  Subject  as  you  are.  I  could  tell  you  that  Spain 
delays,  does  little  &c  &c  but  these  would  be  only  useless  Comments  on 
the  Text.  The  Capt.  of  a  Vessel  lately  arrived  at  Cadiz  from  N°. 
Carolina  says  our  Paper  was  appreciating  there.  The  King  of  Spain 
has  offered  us  his  Responsibility  to  facilitate  a  Loan,  and  I  am  in  a 
fair  way  of  having  some  Cloathing  for  our  army.  These  Circum 
stances  will  give  you  pleasure  I  am  sure. 

If  I  am  not  much  mistaken  the  Enemy  will  attempt  to  incline 
Hfenry]  Lfaurens]  to  their  views.  The  Resolution  you  mention  or 

1  Printed  in  "The  Dean  Papers,"  iv.,  p.  244,  Collections  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society.  Words  in  italics  are  translated  from  Jay's  cipher. 

37 


rather  intimate  would  have  great  Consequences.  Instances  of  the  like 
have  happened.  This  matter  deserves  much  thought.  As  to  the  Edi 
tions  &c.  of  A.  Lee  no  very  great  Effects  will  follow  them  in  my  opin 
ion,  but  tho  Facts  cannot  be  altered,  they  may  be  misrepresented,  and 
sometimes  sunk,  unless  Care  be  taken  to  do  them  Justice.  The  State 
of  America  I  admit  to  be  a  serious  matter,  but  I  still  think  it  will  termi 
nate  well,  tho  it  may  be  scorched  by  the  ordeal  thro'  which  it  is  to  pass. 
Of  this  you  know  more  than  I  do,  and  therefore  can  better  Judge. 
F.1  had  better  be  cautious.  I  believe  firmly  the  old  adage,  nil  utile 
nisi  quod  honestum,  and  therefore  before  Politicians  or  others  deviate 
from  Integrity,  they  should  well  consider  the  Consequences.  I  see 
very  clearly  that  in  the  Instance  alluded  to,  Repentance  would  soon 
follow,  and  not  only  prove  ineffectual  but  severe—  In  a  word  my 
friend,  as  to  all  these  matters  —  I  believe  that  a  wise  &  good  Being 
governs  this  world,  that  he  has  ordered  us  to  travel  thro'  it  to  a  better, 
and  that  we  have  Nothing  but  our  Duty  to  do  on  the  Journey,  which 
will  not  be  a  long  one.  Let  us  therefore  travel  on  with  Spirits  & 
Chearfulness,  without  grumbling  much  at  the  bad  Roads,  bad  Inns  or 
bad  Company  we  may  be  obliged  to  put  up  with  on  the  way  —  let  us 
enjoy  Prospwrity  when  we  have  it,  and  in  adversity  endeavour  to  be 
patient  and  resigned  without  being  lazy  or  insensible. 
I  cannot  approve  of  your  refusing  to  reflect  on  certain  Subjects.  The 
more  you  reflect  on  them  the  better  in  my  opinion,  upon  the  same 
Principle  that  it  is  better  to  meet  and  reduce  one's  Enemies,  than  sub 
mit  to  their  Bondage,  or  remain  exposed  to  repeated  Injuries. 

Mrs.  Jay  &  the  Col.  [Livingston]  desire  me  to  make  their  Com 
pliments  to  you 

I  am  Dr  Sir  very  truly 
Your  Friend  &  Serv* 
John  Jay 
The  Honble  Silas  Deane  Esqr  2 


John  Jay  to  Jeremiah  Wadsivorlh. 

New  York  13  Jany  1789 
Dear  Sir 

Mrs.  Jay  having  been  informed  by  a  Gentleman  who  lately  passed 
thro'  one  of  your  Towns,  (I  think  Wallingford)  that  good  Silks  were 
manufactured  there,  desires  me  to  request  the  favor  of  you,  if  there 
be  any  for  sale,  to  procure  a  Pattern  of  a  Gown  and  Petticoat,  of  some 
grave  quaker  Color,  and  send  it  to  her.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  same 
motive  which  induces  her  to  wish  to  have  it,  will  also  induce  you  to 
excuse  the  Trouble  she  takes  the  Liberty  of  giving  you  about  it. 

I  find  the  Cloths  are  arrived.  Tomorrow  I  purpose  to  see  them, 
and  take  a  suit.  If  it  should  become  fashionable  to  prefer  our  own 

'Franklin? 

3  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.6.66]. 

38 


manufactures,  their  Progress  will  be  greatly  advanced  by  it;  espe 
cially  if  we  come  to  consider  whatever  is  american  as  our  own;  which 
notwithstanding  State  Prejudices,  I  hope  will  daily  be  more  and  more 
the  Case  — 

with  great  Esteem  &  Regard 
I  am  Dear  Sir 

Your  most  ob*.  Serv1 

John  Jay  — 
Col.  Wadsworth.1 


WILLIAM  CARMICHAEL. 


William  Carmichael  to Harrison. 

Aranjuez     i8th  June  1781 

Dear  Harrison 

I  acknowledge  that  I  am  become  your  Debtor  for  a  Letter  from  S*. 
Lucar  &  I  am  become  still  more  so  by  troubling  you  with  the  Inclosed 
which  you  will  forward  by  Captn  Robertson  —  under  Cover  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  to  whom  it  [is]  well  to  write  the  actual  State  of 
the  present  armament  My  Time  has  passed  exceedingly  disagreeably 
here  &  I  have  envied  you  your  S1  Lucar  friends  —  I  have  some  ap 
prehension  of  an  Embargo  at  your  Port  that  may  retard  Robertson  — 
Push  him  off  therefore,  if  He  should  not  be  gone  I  have  sent  a  Copy 
of  these  Letters  via  France—  But  am  anxious  that  they  should  get 
out  from  your  Port —  I  should  send  you  the  List  of  officers  to  Com 
mand  the  present  Expedition,  but  it  is  so  public  that  you  have  un 
doubtedly  have  seen  it  — 

Address  your  letters  for  me  to  Madrid  as  I  leave  this  on  Satur 
day —  If  this  Expedition  should  go  to  Charles  Town,  what  would 
you  think  of  Spain  then?  I  would  worship  the  King  &  He  should  be 
my  S*.  Carlos  —  I  have  no  news  for  you  &  am  as  Dull  as  an  English 
man  in  December,  If  I  continue  long  in  this  way  I  shall  beleive  my 
self  in  Love  of  which  I  have  some  Symptoms  —  Adieu  give  me  all 
the  minute  particulars  in  your  power  of  this  Armament 

Yours. 

Wm.  C. 

Compliments  to  Robertson  who  I  beleive  knows  me,  &  Desire  him  to 
mention  me  to  all  Friends,  Particularly  to  Mr  Morris  &  family  to 
whom  I  have  written  frequently  without  a  line  in  Return  —  There  is 
no  hopes  of  obtaining1  permission  to  send  Vessels  in  Droiture  to  the 
Havannah  2 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.G.yo]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.6.72]. 

39 


THE  MOSQUITO  SHORE. 


Lord  NortJi  to  the  Governor  of  Jamaica. 

Whitehall  3<Dth.  Septr.  1783. 

Sir, 

It  having  been  stipulated  by  the  6th.  Article  of  the  Definitive 
Treaty  of  Peace,  between  His  Majesty  and  the  Catholic  King,  signed 
at  Versailles  on  the  3d.  Ins1,  and  exchanged  by  the  Plenipotentiaries 
of  the  Two  Crowns  on  the  19th.  That  a  certain  District  comprized 
between  the  Rivers  Wallis  or  Bellise,  and  the  River  Hondo,  particu 
larly  described  in  the  said  Article,  shall  be  allotted  to  the  Subjects  of 
Great  Britain,  for  cutting,  loading  and  transporting  of  Logwood,  and 
that  Commissioners  shall  be  appointed  to  determine  upon  suitable 
Spots  within  that  Territory,  for  the  erecting  such  Houses  and  Stores 
as  shall  be  requisite  for  themselves,  their  Families  and  Effects,  re 
serving,  nevertheless,  to  His  Catholic  Majesty  the  Right  of  Sover 
eignty;  and  it  being  further  stipulated,  that  the  Subjects  of  His 
Britannic  Majesty,  wherever  dispersed,  whether  upon  the  Spanish  Con 
tinent,  or  upon  the  Islands  dependent  on  the  aforesaid  Spanish  Continent, 
shall  collect  themselves  within  the  Canton  above  limited,  within  the 
Space  of  18  Months  after  the  exchange  of  the  Ratifications  of  the  said 
Treaty,  and  that  if  there  shall  be  any  Fortifications  within  the  said 
District,  His  Britannic  Majesty  shall  order  the  same  to  be  demolished, 
and  prohibit  His  Subjects  from  erecting  others. 

I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you  herewith  a  printed  Copy  of 
the  said  Treaty,  together  with  Duplicates  of  Orders  given  by  the 
King  of  Spain  to  the  several  Governors  of  the  Provinces  of  Yucatan, 
Guatamala,  the  Island  of  Cuba,  and  the  Havannah,  for  the  purpose 
of  the  several  Evacuations  and  Restitutions,  and  for  marking  out  the 
Limits  of  the  District  allotted  to  the  Logwood  Cutters,  and  Labour 
ers  by  the  said  Treaty,  and  I  am  commanded  to  signify  to  you  the 
King's  Pleasure,  that  you  do,  as  soon  as  may  be,  in  concert  with  the 
Spanish  Governors  to  whom  His  Catholic  Majesty  hath  addressed 
His  Instructions,  appoint  proper  Persons  to  be  Commissioners  for 
the  purpose  of  marking  out  the  Limits  of  the  said  District,  and  for 
fixing  upon  suitable  Spots  for  the  erecting  of  Habitations  and  Store 
houses  for  His  Majesty's  Subjects  who  may  intend  to  remain  upon 
that  Coast;  giving  them  Orders  at  the  same  time  to  collect  them 
selves  within  the  District  before  mentioned,  and  affording  them 
every  possible  assistance  in  your  power  to  facilitate  their  removal 
thither. 

You  will,  also,  give  directions,  That  the  Fortifications  which 
may  have  been  erected  by  His  Majesty's  Subjects,  within  the  Dis 
trict  allotted  to  them  by  the  present  Treaty,  be  forthwith  demolished, 

40 


and  that  none  be  in  future  erected  by  them,  and  that  they  shall  exer 
cise  their  Fishery  upon  the  Coast,  agreeably  to  the  Stipulations  of 
the  said  Treaty. 

You  will  receive  herewith  Two  Passports  from  the  Court  of 
Spain  to  prevent  from  interruption,  or  molestation,  any  Ships,  or 
Vessels,  which  you  may  think  proper  to  employ,  in  consequence  of 
the  Instructions  and  Orders  which  are  necessary  to  be  given  by  you 
upon  this  Occasion,  a  like  number  having  been  transmitted  from 
hence  to  the  Court  of  Spain. 

I  am,  with  great  Truth  and  Regard, 

Sir, 
Your  most  obedient 

humble  Servant 

North. 
Governor  Campbell. 


Private. 

Whitehall  3d  October  1783. 
Sir, 

In  addition  to  my  Official  dispatch  of  the  3Oh  of  September,  I 
think  it  right  to  inform  you  that  I  have  received  a  Memorial  from 
the  Agent  of  the  persons  concerned  in  the  Logwood  Trade,  desiring 
me  to  recommend  to  You  Mr.  James  Mc  Cauley,  Mr.  James  Bartlett 
and  Mr.  Richard  Hoare,  in  conjunction  with  Lieutenant  Colonel  Des- 
pard,  to  be  appointed  Commissaries  on  the  part  of  His  Majesty  for 
marking  out  the  District  allotted  to  the  Logwood  Cutters  and  Labour 
ers  by  the  late  Treaty  of  Peace,  and  for  fixing  upon  proper  spots  for 
erecting  Habitations  and  Storehouses. 

If  you  see  no  reason  to  object  to  the  abovementioned  Gentlemen, 
You  will,  probably,  think  it  right  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  the  Memo 
rialists;  But,  the  whole  of  this  nomination  is  left  to  your  judgment 
and  discretion. 

With  respect  to  another  part  of  my  Letter,  which  relates  to  the 
withdrawing  such  of  His  Majesty's  Subjects  as  shall  be  settled  on 
the  Spanish  Continent,  or  the  Islands  dependent  thereon.  It  is  neces 
sary  that  I  shou'd  inform  you,  that  by  the  words  Spanish  Continent, 
His  Majesty's  Servants  understand  that  part  of  the  Coast  of  Hon 
duras  v/hich  is  not  included  in  the  described  limits,  and  such  other 
parts  of  the  Continent  of  North  America,  as  have  been,  and  are 
acknowledged  by  us,  to  belong  to  the  Crown  of  Spain. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Sir 
Your  most  obedient 

humble  Servant 
Governor  Campbell,  Jamaica.  North. 

41 


Most  Secret  and  Confidential. 

Whitehall  3d  October  1783. 
Sir, 

I  have  thought  it  right  to  send  you,  in  addition  to  my  official 
dispatch  and  private  Letter,  this  most  secret  and  confidential  note, 
that  you  may  be  clearly  and  explicitly  made  acquainted  with  our 
sentiments  respecting  the  expression  Spanish  Continent,  in  the  De 
finitive  Treaty. 

His  Majesty,  in  His  Negotiations  wit  the  Court  of  Spain,  most 
certainly  never  meant  to  affect  the  rights  of  any  third  person,  and, 
consequently,  did  not  include  the  Mosquito  Shore,  (which  has  never 
belonged  to  the  Crown  of  Spain,)  under  the  name  of  the  Spanish 
Continent.  If,  therefore,  there  are  any  British  subjects  settled  on 
the  Mosquito  Shore,  You  will  not  understand,  that  you  are  required 
by  your  Instructions,  to  withdraw  such  Settlers  from  the  places 
where  they  are  established. 

I  have  written  this  Letter  to  you  for  your  own  direction,  and 
justification,  and  have  sent  it  under  separate  cover,  that  you  may, 
if  you  find  it  necessary,  shew  the  other  Letter,  without  disclosing 
the  contents  of  this. 

If,  for  example,  any  person  on  the  part  of  His  Catholic  Majesty, 
shou'd  require  of  you  to  recall  the  Settlers  from  the  Mosquito  Shore, 
as  being  a  part  of  the  Spanish  Continent,  you  may,  in  that  case,  shew 
him  my  Letter,  mark'd  private,  maintain  the  contrary  interpretation 
of  the  Words,  refuse  to  withdraw  the  Settlers,  and  refer  him,  if  he 
still  persists,  to  Europe,  for  the  decision  of  the  point  in  dispute. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  regard, 
Sir 

Your  most  obedient 

humble  Servant, 

North. 

P:  S:  You  will  perceive  that  my  reason  for  not  mentioning  the 
Mosquito  Shore  in  my  other  Letter,  and  for  wishing  that  this  may 
be  kept  secret,  and  considered  only  as  intended  for  Your  direction  is, 
That,  whatever  interpretation  the  Court  of  Spain  may  affect  to  give 
to  the  Treaty,  We  wou'd  not  have  it  appear  that  we  think  it  possible 
that  the  Mosquito  Shore,  can,  in  the  opinion  of  any  person  what 
soever,  be  comprehended  under  the  name  of  the  Spanish  Continent. 

N. 
Governor  Campbell,  Jamaica. 


Secret  &  Confidential. 

Whitehall.     Novr:  7.  1783. 
Sir. 

By  my  letter  of  the  3Oth.  of  September  last  You  received  his  Majes 
ty's  directions  for  the  conduct  you  were  to  hold  in  consequence  of 

42 


the  Definitive  Treaty  with  the  Crown  of  Spain  and  by  my  two 
letters  of  the  3d.  of  Octr.  You  will  have  learnt  in  what  sense  his 
Majesty's  Ministers  understand  the  words,  Spanish  Continent,  &,  that, 
in  their  opinion,  The  British  settlers  are  not  to  be  withdrawn  from 
the  Mosquito  Shore. 

I  now  inclose  to  you  a  Copy  of  a  memorial  from  the  settlers  on 
that  Shore,  in  which  they  apply  for  protection,  &  I  am  directed  by 
his  Majesty's  servants  to  convey  to  you  their  opinion,  that  they 
ought  to  be  supported.  The  manner  of  supporting  them,  &  the  force 
to  be  employ'd  in  that  service,  They  leave  to  your  discretion  in 
which  they  put  intire  confidence.  This  Support,  however,  should 
be  afforded  them  in  the  most  inoffensive  manner,  &  with  the  least 
parade  possible :  It  would  be  disadvantageous  to  enter  into  a  fresh 
quarrell  with  Spain  upon  this  point,  in  the  moment  of  the  return  of 
peace  when  the  Nation,  from  their  aversion  to  war,  may  be  inclined 
to  yield  too  much  for  the  sake  of  preserving  the  public  tranquillity. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Spain  is  in  the  same  sentiments,  &  that  when 
she  sees  our  settlers  in  a  condition  to  resist,  She  will  not  use  force 
at  the  hazard  of  producing  a  fresh  rupture  between  the  two  Crowns. 

I  inclose  likewise  a  Memorial  from  the  Logwood  cutters,  which 
I  submit  to  your  consideration,  &  wish  to  have  your  opinion  upon 
the  proposals  contain'd  in  it,  before  I  take  any  step  in  consequence 
of  their  application.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest 
respect, 

Sir, 

Your  most  faithful 

humble  Servant, 

North. 


JOHN  BROWN. 


John  Brown  to  Simon  Perkins. 

Springfield  Mass  24th  Nov  1847 

Simon  Perkins  Esqr 

Dear  Sir 

I  write  to  give  you  an  idea  as  well  as  I  can  of  the 

state  of  matters  here  First  I  will  give  you  an  account  of  our  outstand 
ing  paper  as  near  as  I  can  from  memory ;  being  at  a  neighbouring  office 
while  it  rains  very  hard.  At  the  Agawam  Bank  we  have  $18,500,  at 
Springfield  Bank  $7700,  Patterson  &  Ewings  Draft  accepted  for  $2300, 
&  we  are  entitled  to  receive  during  the  balance  of  the  month  from 
Burlington  $27500,  &  from  the  house  of  Perham  Sewall  &  Co  some 
$5000,  or  $6000,  more.  I  do  not  believe  I  shall  get  the  whole  in  by  the 
time  it  has  been  promised  us ;  but  I  think  I  can  manage  with  our  paper 

43 


notwithstanding  the  money  matters  are  tighter  (all  through  this  coun 
try)  than  Kids  Chest.  The  effect  of  the  English  news  has  produced  an 
alarm  amongst  wool  holders,  &  we  are  getting  consignments  from 
Philadelphia,  New  York,  Vermont,  &  are  expecting  a  lot  from  Hart 
ford  soon ;  besides  some  large  lots  from  different  parts  of  the  country. 
If  we  could  in  any  way  so  manage  while  the  pinch  continues  to  keep 
up  making  moderate  advances  I  think  we  could  double  or  treble  the 
nett  proceeds  of  the  seasons  business,  as  all  we  can  now  get,  will  be 
clear  gain.  I  do  not  wish  any  upstream  measure  taken  to  supply  funds 
for  further  advances;  but  if  it  could  be  fixed  conveniently  it  would 
work  fine ;  as  our  sales  have  drawn  the  attention  of  the  whole  country, 
&  other  commission  houses,  &  even  manufacturers  are  disposed  to 
avail  themselves  of  our  help  to  effect  sales  of  fine  wools.  We  have 
graded,  &  sent  off  nearly  half  the  amount  of  the  contract  with  Burling 
ton,  &  have  delivered  no  faster  than  they  have  paid  us  as  yet. 

Before  I  seal  this  will  try  to  give  the  exact  amount  of  all  our  in 
debtedness.  Want  to  hear  from  all  on  the  hill  verry  much.  John  is 
quite  sick  with  a  fever  but  think  he  is  better  a  little  today.  Have  not 
heard  whether  you  got  the  $3000  Certificate  sent  you,  nor  how  the  trip 
to  the  River  with  Bucks  went  off.  True  amount  of  Debts  to  pay  from 
now  to  7th  Feby  is  $29,300.  Most  of  our  customers  have  got  the  greater 
part  of  the  money  for  their  wool. 

Yours  truly 

John  Brown 
Simon  Perkins  Esqr 
Akron 

Summit  Co 
Ohio 


Springfield  Mass  Ist  May  1849. 
Simon  Perkins  Esqr 

Dear  Sir 

Your  ever  welcome  favours  of  the  6th  &  24th  April 

are  both  received.  I  have  not  been  as  punctual  for  a  while  past  as  I 
intended,  in  writing  you,  but  you  will  (I  trust)  be  able  to  excuse  me ; 
as  in  addition  to  a  constant  press  of  business  we  have  been  again  visited 
with  a  good  deal  of  very  poor  health  in  the  family,  &  the  death  of  our 
youngest  child ; x  which  has  been  unwell  all  the  winter,  &  Spring.  My 
wife  has  also  been  very  poorly  for  a  long  time ;  &  is  yet  so.  She  has 
become  quite  thin  &  poor,  but  I  am  in  hopes  she  is  mending  a  little. 

The  money  pressure  has  been  quite  severe  again ;  so  much  so,  that 
some  prettey  large  cash  contracts  with  us,  have  not  been  met  by  taking 
the  wool  as  agreed.  I  have  been  able  to  meet  the  disappointment  to 
the  amount  of  between  $30000.  &  $40000,  but  have  not  been  able  to 

1  Ellen,  born  at  Springfield,  Mass.,  in  May,  1848. 

44 


get  your  State  Stock  clear  yet;  as  I  had  expected  to  do.  Money  is 
now  becoming  easier  again,  &  I  hope  to  be  able  to  do  it  soon.  We 
made  a  small  cash  sale  of  No  I  long  wool  to  go  to  France  as  sample 
Bales ;  they  intimating  that  they  wanted  all  our  long  fibred  fine  wool 
if  the  Bales  sent  suited  their  work  as  well  as  they  believed  they  would. 
The  men  who  bought  it  are  Thirion  Maillard,  &  Co.  New  York  for 
their  own  establishment  in  France.  They  do  not  profess  who  are  here ; 
to  be  first  rate  judges  but  were  willing  to  take  at  our  prices  (less  the 
transportation  to  New  York  from  here)  all  that  we  would  put  up  as 
being  fully  equal  to  sample  fleeces  upon  honor;  not  to  exceed  some 
13000  Ibs.  We  let  them  have  on  those  conditions  something  over 
1,000  Ibs.  they  finding  Sacks.  Price  here  $0,54-1/2  per  Ib.  (a  little 
over)  I  did  not  think  best  to  make  a  heavy  business  of  it;  they  de 
pending  solely  upon  my  judgment  &  honor;  I  am  very  [certain]  that 
if  once  we  can  get  our  best  wools  fairly  introduced  to  the  acquaintance 
of  the  best  foreign  manufacturers  that  the  great  difficulty  in  regard 
to  fine  wool,  &  fine  sheep  in  this  country  will  be  cured :  &  that  nothing 
short  of  that  will  ever  give  stability  in  any  good  measure  to  the  busi 
ness.  I  shall  despair  of  our  superior  flock  unless;  European  manu 
facturers  come  to  our  relief.  The  fine  wool  manufacturers  here  lately 
got  up  a  subscription  in  order  to  send  to  Europe  for  fine  wool  which 
cannot  cost  less  than  75  pr  cent  above  our  prices  on  purpose  to  break 
down  at  all  events  the  price  of  fine  wool  here.  The  information  is  from 
Mr.  Hammond  of  Vernon  Ct;  &  others  who  were  urged  to  go  into  the 
measure.  I  enclose  you  a  sample  of  German  cloth  worth  at  the  worst 
time  $6.  per  Yard  in  the  hands  of  the  importer.  They  send  cloths 
worth  $8.  per  Yard  with  the  importer,  during  the  worst  time  past; 
but  I  could  not  find  a  piece  on  hand  with  the  importers  last  week, 
while  in  New  York.  We  have  wool  that  would  make  as  good  cloth  as 
ever  was  imported.  I  am  thinking  hard  of  taking  the  fine  wools  of 
such  as  are  willing  to  send  it  at  their  own  risk,  &  going  over  with  it ; 
closing  up  the  sale  of  the  balance  as  well.  &  as  fast  as  it  can  be  done 
right.  I  have  done  all  &  everything  I  could  consistently  do  to  get  off 
the  fine  wools,  but  when  I  see  manufacturers  go  elsewhere,  &  pay  from 
25  to  75  pr  cent  more  than  we  ask  rather  than  buy  of  us  in  order  to  get 
back  the  full  controll  of  the  market  it  looks  dark.  What  would  you  think 
of  my  doing  so?  I  really  think  it  probable  that  no  other  means  short 
of  an  Auction  sale ;  will  enable  us  to  sell  the  fine  wool  out  so  as  to  close 
up ;  &  that  would  be  an  unconditional  surrender;  not  only  of  the  wool 
on  hand,  &  the  business,  but  of  the  fine  flocks  of  the  whole  country. 
What  I  think  of  is  to  begin  packing  in  earnest  for  shipment,  selling 
in  the  meantime  whenever  I  can,  &  continuing  to  do  so  as  long  as  I 
can.  I  have  kept  still  about  quitting  the  business  as  long  as  it  would 
do ;  on  account  of  the  buildings  we  occupy,  or  untill  within  Two  or 
Three  days  past.  What  effect  the  news  of  our  quitting  will  have  can 
not  say.  I  am  hinting  that  I  intend  going  to  Europe  to  make  permanent 
arrangements  in  regard  to  the  wool  trade;  which  is  strictly  true  if  I 

45 


go  [at]  all.  Our  friends  must  hold  off  a  few  days  at  all  events  before 
we  can  help  them  to  money  on  their  wool  as  we  cannot  create  money. 
(Hope  to  keep  Midling  cool).  Your  friend 

John  Brown 
Simon  Perkins  Esqr 
Akron 
Summit  Co. 
Ohio 


Troy  N  Y  26th  Jan?  1852 

Simon  Perkins  Esqr 

Dear  Sir 

I  improve  with  pleasure  another  opportunity 

of  reporting  our  progress  here  a  little  further.  We  adjourned  on  Sat 
urday  the  25th  to  Tuesday  morning  the  27th  inst.  Warrens  witness 
B  Buck  (the  one  to  whom  I  referred  in  my  last)  swore  very  stiff  in 
his  direct  testimony.  We  have  progressed  a  little  in  cross  examining 
him,  but  are  not  done.  We  have  proved  by  him  some  important  facts 
such  as  identifying  a  letter  written  by  Warrens  Doctor  to  him  giving 
him  in  Warrens  name  instructions  about  the  disposal  of  the  wool  after 
the  date  when  Warren  swears  it  was  sold  to  us.  This  letter  Buck  had 
placed  in  our  hands  at  the  time,  &  it  perfectly  conflicts  with  his  own, 
&  Warrens  statements.  Buck  spoke  of  getting  such  a  letter  of  his  own 
accord,  &  pretended  to  give  its  contents  to  some  extent  before  it  was 
shown  him.  When  he  had  read  it  the  Starch  was  taken  out  of  him 
nicely.  We  have  proved  by  him  his  own  full  authority  to  act  for  War 
ren,  also  his  own  letters  he  not  being  allowed  time  to  read  them ;  also 
that  Flint  one  of  Warrens  witness  fes]  (by  the  way)  acted  dishonestly 
in  grading,  &  that  I  corrected  the  wrong ;  also  that  I  was  a  disinter 
ested  man  in  grading  &  selling,  but  another  interesting  circumstance 
is  that  A  J  Richardson  has  been  here  Logrolling  for  Warren  like  a 
hero.  It  so  happens  that  he  cannot  serve  the  Devil  in  Two  different 
directions  at  the  same  time ;  &  he  has  already  sworn  in  direct  contra 
diction  of  his  affidavits  at  Boston.  As  he  is  sensible  of  the  difficult 
task  he  has  on  his  hands ;  &  does  not  quite  thoroughly  understand  all 
the  bearings  in  Warrens  case ;  we  have  already  draged  out  of  him 
some  first  best  testimony  in  both  cases;  &  have  no  doubt  of  having  a 
rich  time  if  we  can  get  him  on  again.  He  was  allowed  to  return  to 
Boston  by  the  Court  uppon  his  own,  the  Counsels,  &  Warrens  assurance 
that  he  would  return.  He  is  so  slipery  a  fellow  that  I  fear  we  shall  not 
get  him  again ;  but  I  was  obliged  to  submit.  We  have  learned  by  his 
statements  what  he,  and  his  Co.  are  going  to  rely  uppon  in  their  suit ; 
one  thing  of  which  is  that  he  now  in  this  case  denies  the  Contract  he  ad 
mits  he  wrote  himself.  He  says  it  is  only  part  of  the  contract  which 

46 


was  a  verbal  one,  &  was  previously  made.  This  is  in  keeping  with  his 
swearing  there  had  been  no  settlement  made  with  us;  &  that  he  paid 
the  last  money  to  us  under  Protest.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  of 
your  presence  here;  would  your  engagements  allow  of  it;  but  as  every 
thing  about  getting  through  is  so  very  uncertain,  I  dare  not  advise  it. 
I  will  only  say  further  at  this  time,  that  I  know  of  nothing  unfavourable 
but  that  the  business  goes  on  slow;  but  we  have  made  better  progress 
last  week  than  before.  Would  like  to  hear  from  you ;  &  all  at  home. 
Please  say  to  my  folks  to  write.  Will  write  as  often  as  I  have  any 
thing. 

Your  friend 

John  Brown 
Simon  Perkins  Esqr 

Akron 
Summit  Co. 
Ohio 


John  Brown  to  Dr.  Jesse  Bowen. 

Springclale,  Cedar  Co,  Iowa,  3d  March  1859. 
Dr  Jesse  Bowen 

Dear  Sir 

I  was  lately  at  Tabor  in  this  State  where  there 

is  lying  in  the  care  of  Jonas  Jones  Esqr.  one  brass  field  piece  fully 
mounted;  &  carriage  good.  Also  a  quantity  of  grape  &  round  shot: 
together  with  part  of  another  gun  carriage  of  some  value.  Also  some 
twenty  or  over  U.  S.  rifles  with  flint  locks.  The  rifles  are  good  and 
in  good  order,  I  have  held  a  claim  on  these  articles  since  Jan  2  1857 
that  is  both  morally  &  legally  good  against  any  &  all  other  parties: 
but  I  informed  Mr.  Jones  that  I  would  most  cheerfully;  and  even 
gladly  waive  it  entirely  in  your  favour:  knowing  the  treatment  you 
have  received.  I  should  think  these  articles  might  be  so  disposed  of 
as  to  save  you  from  ultimate  loss :  but  I  need  not  say  to  you  how  im 
portant  is  perfect  and  secure  possession  in  such  cases:  &  you  are 
doubtless  informed  of  the  disordered  condition  of  the  National  Kansas 
Committees  matters.  I  left  with  you  a  little  cannon  &  carriage.  Could 
you,  or  any  one  induce  the  inhabitants  of  your  city  to  make  me  up 
something  for  it;  &  buy  it  either  to  keep  as  an  old  relic;  or  for  the 
sake  of  helping  me  a  little?  I  am  certainly  quite  needy;  &  have  more 
over  quite  a  family  to  look  after.  There  are  those  who  would  sooner 
see  me  supplied  with  a  good  halter  than  anything  else  for  my  services. 
Will  you  please  write  me  frankly  to  John  H  Painter  Esqr  or  by  bearer 
whether  you  think  anything  can  be  done  for  me  with  the  gun  ;  or  other 
wise?  My  best  wishes  for  yourself  &  family. 

Respectfully  your  friend 
John  Brown. 

47 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON. 
NUMBER  THREE. 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES. 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  TWO. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON. 
NUMBER  THREE. 


:' 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES, 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  TWO. 


The  Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Boston:  Printing  Department,  April,  1902. 


CONTENTS. 


JOURNAL  OF  A  SURVEY  IN  1791,  FOR  A  CANAL  ACROSS  CAPE  COD. 

BY  JAMES  WINTHROP  53 

MARTHA  WASHINGTON. 

To ,  Jan.  29,  1790  71 

To  Mrs.  Richard  Montgomery,  April  5,  1800  72 

JAMES  MADISON. 

Draft  of  a  Message  to  Congress  submitted  to  President 

Washington,  on  the  First  United  States  Bank,  Feb. 

21,  1791  73 

To  General  Horatio  Gates,  March  24,  1794  74 

To  James  L.  Cathcart,  April  18,  1802  75 

WILLIAM  COCKE. 

To  Governor  Sevier,  June  25,  1796  78 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

To  William  Plumer,  Oct.  6,  1810  78 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

To  William  Plumer,  Dec.  16,  1812  82 

To  Same,  Dec.  4,  1814  82 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

To  William  Plumer,  Jr.,  June  24,  1827  84 

To ,  Sept.  9,  1831  84 

ROBERT  SMITH. 

To  Thomas  Jefferson,  August  28,  1803  85 

WILLIAM  EUSTIS. 

To  Nicholas  Gilman,  Jan.  12,  1808  86 

To  Henry  Dearborn,  April  10,  1808  88 

in 


PAGE 

WILLIAM  PLUMER. 

To  Nicholas  Oilman,  March  28,  1808  88 

To  Salma  Hale,  Dec.  28,  1818  90 

JOHN  MACPHERSON  BERRIEN. 

To  Charles  Harris,  June  13,  1810  91 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 

To  Joel  Barlow,  Jan.  14,  1812  92 

SAMUEL  LATHAM  MITCHELL. 

To  Henry  W.  Dearborn,  Feb.  14,  1812  93 

WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 

To  General  Meigs,  Sept.  20,  1812  94 

To  Langdon  Cheeves,  Nov.  i,  1819  95 

JAMES  A.  BAYARD. 

To ,  Jan.  24,  1813  95 

HENRY  DEARBORN. 

To  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  March  21,  1812  96 

To  Same,  April  10,  1823  97 

To  Same,  Oct.  25,  1823  98 

To  Same,  Nov.  4,  1823  99 
Address  of  his  Officers  to  Major  General  Henry  Dearborn          102 

THE  COUNTERFEITING  OF  COLONIAL  PAPER  MONEY,  1735-1739          104 


IV 


JOURNAL  OF  A  SURVEY 

IN    1791, 

FOR  A  CANAL  ACROSS  CAPE  COD. 

BY  JAMES  WINTHROP. 


Thursday  12  May  1791,  at  I  P  M.  set  out  from  Cambridge  to  survey 
Sandwich  neck  accompanied  by  Mr.  Henry  Parker  as  assistant.  Miss 
H.  a  lovely  girl  of  eighteen,  was  polite  eno'  to  take  this  opp°.  to  visit 
her  Barnstable  friends,  &  rode  in  the  chaise  with  me.  My  apparatus 
consisted  of  a  Theodolite,  2  barometers  with  a  vernier  to  each,  a  spare 
tube,  a  chain,  a  Gunter  scale,  a  pocket  case  of  instruments,  a  penta- 
graph,  a  small  achromatic  telescope,  pens,  ink,  paper,  pencils,  &  Hol 
lands  small  Map  as  printed  for  Thomas's  Magazine. 

Oated  at  Bracket's  in  Braintree  for  iod.  13  miles  from  home, 
lodged  at  Cushing's  in  Hingham  23  miles  from  home.  Well  accomo- 
dated  for  horse  keeping  &  victuals,  but  bugs  in  the  bed. 
Friday  13,  after  Breakfast,  reckoning  io/.  for  the  company,  set  out 
for  Plimouth;  soon  begun  to  rain,  but  got  to  Kingston  to  dine,  41 
miles  from  home,  put  up  at  Beal's,  accomodations  good  but  people 
slow.  Rained  very  hard.  I  walked  over  to  see  Judge  Sever  in  the 
afternoon  &  spent  an  hour  with  him.  He  was  very  polite  &  invited 
me  to  keep  at  his  house,  but  I  returned  to  my  company.  He  did  not 
seem  to  favor  the  canal  much.  Rained  heavily  all  night. 
Saturday  14th.  Rain.  After  breakfast,  the  storm  intermitted.  Company 
reckoning  17/8.  Rode  into  Plimouth  by  9  o'clock,  introduced  Miss  H. 
to  Gen.  Warren  &  Lady,  &  put  up  at  their  house  proposing  a  friendly 
but  early  dinner  with  them.  Storm  renewed  &  held  till  toward  night. 
Sabbath  15.  Attended  meeting,  drank  tea  at  Mrs.  Winslow's.  Two 
agreeable  &  pretty  daughters  both  amiable.  In  the  evening  Major 
Thomas  &  Lady,  the  Miss  Winslows,  Miss  Gorham,  &  Miss  Burr 
came  to  see  Miss  H.  all  the  young  ladies  about  her  time  of  life.  We 
had  an  agreeable  evening. 

Monday  i6th.  After  Breakfast  rode  to  Ellis's  in  Plimouth  Woods 
where  we  dined  in  company  with  the  Supreme  Court  as  they  were 
returning  from  Barnstable.  Reckoning  for  company  5/2.  Afternoon 
rode  to  Sandwich,  put  up  at  Fessenden's,  deposited  Miss  H.  at  Rev. 
Mr.  Burr's.  He  has  a  very  handsome  &  agreeable  wife.  Spent  the 

53 


evening  at  General  Freeman's.  Capt  Allen  &  Major  Williams  & 
Rev.  Mr.  Burr  spent  an  hour  with  us  at  Fessenden's. 
Tuesday  17th.  Mr.  Parker  carried  Miss  H.  to  Barnstable  &  left  her  & 
the  chaise  at  Mr.  Bourn's  the  federal  Representative  for  this  election 
district.  Mr  P.  returned  in  the  afternoon.  I  spent  the  day  in  riding 
with  Gen.  Freeman,  his  son,  &  Major  Williams  over  to  Buzzard's  bay 
to  view  the  ground.  I  breakfasted  with  the  General,  dined  on  Cohogs, 
a  very  coarse  shell  fish  at  Perry's  near  the  Buz.  Bay,  &  drank  tea  at 
Mr.  Burr's. 

Wednesday  i8th.  Wrote  to  my  brother  by  a  coaster,  enlarged  Hol 
lands  map  of  the  isthmus,  making  one  draft  8  &  another  16  times  as 
large  as  the  printed  copy. 

19  May  1791.  Begun  the  survey  at  Agawam  point  in  a  line  from  the 
point  to  the  N  E  corner  of  Sam.  Bourne's  house  at  the  shore  of  Buz 
zards,  angle  between  that  line  &  Little  p*.  at  high  water  mark  138°.  55' 
distance  of  the  station  from  S.  shore  of  river  at  Agawam  point  I2ch.  4OL 
course  S.  44^  E 

From  this  Station  toward  N  E  corner  of  Sam.  Bourne's  house, 
same  course,  dist.  29ch.  o1.  on  the  bank  of  Back  harbor.  New  Course 
to  Back  river  S.  723/3  E.  distance  to  3d.  station  in  the  way  to  bank 
of  Back  river  7Ch.  o1.  From  3d.  station  to  bank  of  river  in  same  course 
5.  chains  at  high  water. 

3d.  Station  distant  from  shore  of  harbor  ich.  iS1.  Course  N  41°.  E  toward 
a  stump,  distance  from  3d.  station  to  off  set  in  way  to  stump  I2ch.  o1, 
offset  to  river  ich.  90*.  Easterly.  At  8ch.  more  from  3d.  station  new  offset 
E  5ch  —  river  abl.  10  or  12  rods  wide,  shoal  &  rocky  —  at  28  ch.  from  3d. 
station  course  lay  on  W  beach  of  river  2  rods  below  high  water  mark. 
Whole  dist.  from  3d  station  to  stump  32ch.  2I1.  Stump  makes  4th.  station, 
course  to  a  pine  tree  between  back  siver  &  fresh  marsh  swamp.  N  72^ 
E,  2  chains  to  beach  of  a  small  cove  in  W  side  of  river.  4th.  station  on 
upland  ^2  rod  from  bank.  This  course  all  marsh  to  5th.  station,  river 
makes  a  sweep  to  S.  we  crossed  the  neck  of  the  peninsula  —  at  6ch. 
from  station  4th  offset  W  to  upland  3ch.  931.  (abt  middle  of  neck  which 
runs  S  from  from  offset  —  Whole  distance  from  4th  to  5th.  station 
I4ch-  331-  This  last  station  about  a  rod  from  the  river  —  Pine  tree  5th. 
station.  Course  from  thence  to  a  rock  on  the  north  side  of  a  clump  of 
pines  E  2l/2  S.  distance  to  the  rock  7^2  chains,  the  same  course  4^ 
more  to  a  small  knoll  which  is  the  6th  station.  Whole  distance  from 
5th.  is  12  chains  all  but  Ist.  on  marsh  which  is  not  any  where  more  than 
a  dozen  rods  wide  till  we  come  to  6th.  station  range  from  6th.  station  thro 
fresh  marsh  swamp  to  Zaccheus  Hatch's  house  N 41  ^2  E,  station  distant 
from  N  bank  of  river  5ch.  o1.  from  Station  Northerly  toward  Hatch's 
house  in  same  course  6  chains  to  edge  of  swamp,  4  chains  more  on 
skirt  upland  W  side  of  swamp  2  chains  more  over  a  point  into  marsh 
+  ich.  to  upland,  swamp  30  rods  wide  to  east  of  our  course.  +  3  chains 
over  marsh  to  where  the  marsh  is  three  chains  wide,  course  abt  middle 
of  swamp  near  the  river.  4  chains  more  to  E  side  swamp  in  our 
present  course.  This  completes  2  tallies  from  6th.  station  &  2l/z  from 

54 


river.  +  6ch.  swamp  54  mile  wide  &  we  abt  50  rods  from  W  side,  +  4ch. 
same  width  &  abt  5/3  of  it  E  of  us.  +  8ch.  to  p*.  upland  W  side  swamp  + 
5ch.  to  ditch  in  clear  meadow  &  low  Upland  +  4ch  to  meadow  again 
over  low  upland  +  ich-  to  upland,  +  ich.  to  top  upland,  &  pretty  sharp 
ascent,  +  ich-  to  heap  of  stones  on  the  high  upland  near  landlord 
Perry's  in  Monimet  village.  This  makes  5  tallies  from  6th.  station  & 
5^2  from  the  river.  A  small  branch  of  the  river  flows  thro'  the  swamp, 
&  on  the  east  side  of  our  course  to  two  tallies  from  station.  Then  we 
crossed  &  had  it  on  our  left,  it  was  then  not  more  than  6  feet  wide  & 
6  inches  deep  — 

At  four  o'clock  adjourned  after  6  hours  march  after  dinner  filled 
a  new  barometer  &  hung  it  with  other  in  Perry's  chamber  with  the  old 
one.  The  new  29.50  inch ;  old  29.72.  returned  to  Fessenden's  at  dusk. 
Mr.  Davies  of  Plimouth  arrived,  one  of  the  Committee  — 
20  May,  foggy  &  wet.  Could  not  proceed.  At  3  P  M.  set  out  to  shew 
Mr.  Davis  the  country  under  survey  &  also  our  progress.  Observed 
Barometers  at  Perry's.  New  one  at  29.24;  old  29.45.  returned  to 
town. 

21st.  fine  morning,  rode  to  Perry's  to  renew  survey.  Barom.  new,  29.25  ; 
old  29.46.  At  6th.  station  left  a  stake  &  stones,  &  steered  toward  SE 
corner  of  blacksmith's  shop,  toward  bridge  on  Monimet  river  course 
N.  27^  E  —  6ch  to  road  before  Perry's,  6o!.  to  corner  of  shop,  abt  NE 
of  Perry's  house  &  abt  8  rods  dist  from  it. 

23d.  May,  ioj^  AM.  Old  Baro.  29.74,  new  29.52^2  Renewed  survey, 
course  from  8th.  station  up  the  river  — 

From  8th.  Station  offset  to  road  opp°.  to  John  Blackwell  distance 
nch.  <  with  course  up  river  89°.  20'.  hill  beyond  road. 

From  8th.  Station  up  river  course  N  72^  E  (4^4ch.  ranges  with 
bridge.  Major  Bournes  appears  above  bridge.)  Ist.  tally  ends  on  level 
upland  near  il/2  ch.  from  river  &  nearly  opp°.  SW  corner  Th°.  Bourn's 
barn,  at  9ch.  river  turns  toward  Tho.  B  -  The  tongue  of  land  on  this 
side  is  marsh  &  on  the  other  side  the  marsh  runs  y2  way  to  Maj  B.  & 
ends  ag*.  Edwd.  B. 

2d.  tally  ranges  with  middle  river  where  it  runs  tow.  T  B.  barn-  4ch. 
ranges  with  Step.  Swift  to  right  &  T  Bourne  to  left.  <  between  line  to 
Bourne's  house  &  our  course  87°.  30'  dist.  from  <  toward  B.  5^ch.  to 
edge  upland  &  6ch  more  to  river 

I5ch.  251.  to  Steph.  Swifts  at  road.    Course  resumd. 
3d.  tally  ends  at  bank  of  small  creek  running  from  swamp  into  river  at 
edge  of  brush  land 

4th.  tally  ends  on  brush  land  at  bank  of  river,  land  generally  level  & 
bank  a  dozen  feet  high  at  least  3  chains  end  at  edge  marsh  opp°.  Ray 
monds  Marsh  narrow  not  more  than  i  chaine  wide,  hills  half  mile 
from  river  on  this  side,  swamp  between  us  &  road 
5th.  tally  ends  in  a  soft  marsh  abt  I  chain  from  river,  close  to  upland 
which  runs  between  swamp  &  us  about  8  feet  high,  4th.  chain  across  p*. 
of  island  in  swamp  just  by  edge  marsh.  6th.  ch  across  a  bog  part  of  sw 


55 


&  marsh.  7th.  across  another  island,  offset  ich.  to  bank  river  36  links 
more  to  new  station  on  S.  bank  of  pigsfield  creek 
From  ioth.  station  course  9°.  15  more  northerly,  by  west  N.  59°.  E.  I 
chain  across  creek.  2ch.  more  to  top  upld.  of  pigsfield  point  in  way  to 
the  road,  nearest  part  of  road  abt  y*  mile  to  right  of  creek's  mouth. 
8ch.  to  bank  river  9  or  10  feet  high  ground,  swamp  on  our  right  I  tally 
ends  behind  Elisha  Bourn's  S  W  corner,  2ch.  to  behind  E  B's  house  by 
road,  3  times  as  far  to  right  as  river  to  left,  narrow  swamp  on  right  of 
us.  offset  to  river  4ch.  So1,  from  end  6th.  chain  of  course  3  ch  more  to 
end  swamp. 

2  tally  ends  in  high  level  field  or  interval  y$  of  way  from  river  to  road 
&  as  far  from  river  as  at  offset.  9ch.  end  at  a  watering  place  2/$  way 
from  river  to  road 

3d.  tally  ends  at  end  watering  place 

4  tally  ends  one  chain  from  road  &  5C.  9I1  from  river  hills  come 
down  to  road. 

5th  tally  ends  near  road  i.  e  i  ch  from  it,  foot  of  hills  reaches  to 
river  —  4  ch.  from  river. 
Whole  range  from  10  to  n  stat.  51  ch  left  stake  &  stones  at  n  station 

Old  Barom.  29.75.   New,  29.51^.   very  fair  w  E. 

24th.  May.  Old  Barom  29.90.  New  29.68  fair  but  dim  w.  S  W.  9^2*.  AM. 
From  IIth.  station  ioth.  bears  S  65  W.  Course  from  IIth.  station  N  47^/2 
E.  Co-angle  with  last  course  17°.  15'  toward  river 

Ist.  tally  ends  in  brush  land  abt  ich.  from  road  &  foot  of  hill  at  edge 
swamp,  at  end  of  7ch.  more,  offset  +  to  river,  9ch.  o1.  offset  to  right  3 
chains  to  road,  hills  sweep  away  from  road  *4  mile,  brush  upland 

2d.  tally  from  i  Ith.  station  ends  in  flat  brushy  upland  +  7ch-  So1,  to 
middle  of  road  which  is  12th.  station  whole  range  from  IIth.  27ch.  So1  hills 
runs  l/4  mile  from  road,  land  flat.  New  course  27°.  30'  E.  co  <  new  & 
last  course  26°.  toward  river,  4th.  chain  goes  out  righthand  of  road.  5th. 
leaves  road. 

i  tally  ends  in  flat  brushy  upland  E  of  road  &  mid  way  from  hills  on 
E  &  W  side  river  *4  mile  from  each,  abt-  at  5ch.  more  ground  begins 
to  rise,  road  about  3  chains  to  our  left  &  perhaps  river  6. 
2d.  tally  ground  still  rises.  2ch.  more  to  brow  of  hill  as  road  approaches 
us.  At  7ch.  of  tally  offset  +  to  river  dist.  from  stake  to  road,  3ch.  &  from 
stake  to  river  8cb.  desc.  to  road  quick,  afterwd  gentle;  bank  of  river 
high  mark  left  by  road ; 

3d.  tally  ends  on  side  hill  pretty  steep  ascent,  2ch.  come  to  road,  over 
foot  hill,  descent  sharp,  3d.  ch.  in  mid-road,  turn  sharp  where  road 
mounts  hill  @  2d.  chain. 

4th.  tally  ends  abt  i  rod  W  from  road  &  abt  5ch.  E  from  river  hills  slope 
to  river,  3^  ch  more  to  bank  river  whole  of  this  range  43  chains  to  13th 
station  bank  about  a  dozen  feet  high  to  <  22°.  25'  towd.  road,  course  N 
41°.  E  to  2  small  oaks,  marked  stone  on  right  hand  side  road.  Whole 
range  to  middle  road  5C.  4Ol  The  14th.  station  in  middle  road  before 
white  oak  markd.  New  course  N  3iE.  Co  <  toward  river  with  last 
course  11°.  30'  course  along  middle  road,  7ch.  carry  us  to  W  side  road 

56 


in  line  for  chimney  of  Ross,  Dr.  Bourne's  tenant  in  the  intervals  road 
high,  turns  to  right 

Ist.  tally  end  in  field  to  left  of  road  &  here  fixed  15th.  station  in  same 
range  to  Ross's  house  &  took  three  observations  with  Theodolite, 
<Js  round  15th.  station  from  Ross  to  Dr.  Bourne's  to  left  28°.  12' 
from  Ross  to  Foster  on  Herring  Brook  to  left  24°.  28'.  Fosters  barn 
ranges  with  Dr.  B's  house  from  Ross  to  Philip  Ellis  to  left,  across  the 
meadow,  Ellis  lives  on  Wareham  road  7°.  40' 

The  base  is  toward  Ross's  chimney  in  the  course  from  14th.  to  15th. 
station  continued  7ch.  o1  at  end  line  &  makes  i6th.  station 
<  from  Ross  to  Ellis  to  left     io°.5o' 

d°.     Foster's  house    —          33-3° 

d°  barn  35.50 

d°.  Dr.  Bournes  house  53-2O 

1 6th.  station  2  chains  to  corner  of  Ross's  house 

From  Foster's  for  Herring  pond  N  3°.  30'  W.  Jl/2ch  to  top  hill  —  co- 
angle  to  left  for  new  course  14°.  30'  new  course  N  17°.  30'  W.  distance 
8ch.  to  a  knoll 

New  course  N  4°.  W  thr°.  thick  brush  to  another  hill  keeping  S  side 
river,  Ist.  talley  ends  between  very  steep  hill  &  river,  country  broken  & 
rough 
2d.  tally  ends  at  side  swamp  as  rising  steep  to  open  field 

i  Chain  more  ends  range  near  Indian  house 

New  range  N  19  W.  to  2  apple  trees 
Ist.  talley  ends  on  side  hill  broken  land 
2d.  tally  ends  descending  an  hill  near  mouth  of  pond 

3  chains  end  on  side  hill  about  I  chain  W  from  it,  the  pond  is  2l/2 
miles  long  &  half  mile  wide  &  said  to  be  5  or  6  fathom  deep  in  places 
mouth  about  a  rod  wide  &  about  6  inches  deep  high  hills  round  pond. 
26  May.  <  at  Dr  Bourne's,  Base  to  Philip  Ellis.  3d  pt.  a  rock  in  road 
on  the  hill  E  of  road,  overhang*  a  swamp  that  begins  at  Ross's 
68°.  37'- 

At  Ellis's  <  from  Bourne's  to  rock  37°.  10 —  Station  50  links  from 
Ellis's  chimney,  measured  from  Ellis  2ch.  &  6ol  for  17th  station,  course 
along  N  side  of  swamp  for  Wareham  road  makes  an  <  of  52°.  25'  to 
the  right  with  a  line  from  Dr.  Bournes  to  Ph.  Ellis  —  course  E  5ch. 
into  Wareham  road  then  along  road  at  foot  of  hills 

Ist.  tally  ends  in  a  small  plowed  field  just  within  fence  at  right  of 
road,  swamp  between  us  &  Back  river  road,  hills  close  to  us,  whole 
vale  not  more  than  y±  mile  wide  +  ich-  brings  into  W.  road 

2d.  talley  ends  in  W.  road,  hills  close  on  our  left  brush  on  right  & 
then  swamp 

3d.  tally  ends  in  W  road  all  the  way  level  in  the  road  right  brushy 
descending  to  swamp,  left  hills,  offset  to  right  +  to  Back  R.  road  dist. 
to  edge  swamp  6ch.  to  road  5C.  (So1,  more  whole  offset  to  pine  tree  marked 
nc.  6o!  then  along  Back  R.  road  toward  Scussett.  land  flat  dist  to 
meeting  of  road,  at  4ch.  road  turns  15°.  to  left  at  5ch  more  as  much  to 
right,  5ch.  more  meets  W  road  5ch.  return  in  W  road  bring  us  to  NW 

57 


side  turn  abt  20°  to  left  4ch.  more  to  middle  road,  then  sweeping  round 
to  end  offset  to  left  5ch.  finishes  circuit  course  resumed  5ch.  in  4th.  tally 
leave  road  on  our  right,  hills  spread  from  left 

4  tally  ends  in  brush  flat  land  about  3ch.  from  foot  of  hills  on  left, 
road  lies  on  the  right. 

5th.  tally  ends  in  a  cleared  field  near  Tho.  Burgess  house  hills  on 
left  y*  as  far  as  road  on  right,  offset  to  road  at  ich.  of  6th.  tally  —  9 
chains  &  341  to  road  —  land  begins  to  rise  on  right  of  road  —  offset 
to  foot  hills  on  left  6ch.  Whole  line  I5ch.  341  from  foot  hills  to  road, 
Reuben  Gibbs  barn  on  Plimouth  road  visible  from  both  ends  of  it.  We 
are  now  distant  from  head  of  Scussett  river  4  chains  — 

<  at  foot  hills  with  station  in  road  &  R.  Gibbs  barn  83°.  35'.  at  same 
place  with  T  Burgess  &  road  48°  45'. 

<  with  corn  house  near  Back  river  road  51°.  20'.  with  station  in  road — 
Angles  at  one  chain  short  of  S  end  of  offset  laid  off  to  right  of  base 
which  is  I4ch.  341.  long.    Gibbs  83°.  35'. 

to  Burgess  from  base  to  right  58°.  20' 

<  to  right  of  base  with  road  at  end  of  offset  in  road  for  top  hill  called 
Cut  hill  84°.  20'  by  needle  E  3^°  S  - 

i  tally  ends  abt  2  rods  S  of  road  in  clear  field  ground  rising  fast,  3  ch. 

more  into  road. 

at  7C.  601.  of  2d.  tally  on  top  hill.    R.  Gibbs  barn  bears  N  78^°  E,  angle 

to  left  with  our  course  17°.  25'. 

2d.  tally  ends  at  wall  on  left  side  road  near  Ben.  Ellis's  offset  4ch.  to  road 

on  right,  3d  tally  ends  a  little  beyond  line  from  B.  Ellis  to  Covel's  house 

on  hill  at  N 

At  road  between  B  Ellis's  house  &  barn  Course  along  road  to  Mor- 

decai  Blackwell's  E  22°.  S.  <  with  S  end  offset  to  right  112°.  15'  — 

is*,  tally  ends  left  of  road  in  clear  land,  swamp  on  our  left  4ch  to 
road  by  Sam  Blackwell 

2d  tally  ends  in  middle  road  pretty  high  but  gradual  8ch  in  third 
ranges  Elisha  Burgess  house  on  left  with  R.  Gibbs's  barn. 

3d.  tally  ends  in  middle  road.  2d.  ch.  at  cross  Road 

4th.  tally  ends  at  meeting  Plirn0.  &  Back  river  roads  at  house  for 
merly  Sam.  now  Reuben  Gibbs  jr. 

What  was  called  Reuben  G.'s  barn  is  Reuben  Gibbs  sen. 
27  May  1791,  From  Reuben  Gibbs  jr  at  fork  of  Roads,  Elisha  Burgess 
bears  N  36^  W.  <  to  right  of  last  course  28°.    Course  to  Mor.  Black1. 
E  28^  S.  from  fork  road. 

Station  for  Theodolite  in  rail  fence  in  the  range  for  Mordecai 
Blackwell's  7ch.  o'.  to  left  of  road  distance  from  fork  of  roads  to  station 
4ch.  oo1. 

<  to  right  of  course  retrospective  bearing 
old  Reuben  Gibbs  house  &  barn  in  range                49-3O      N.  io'.|  W 

16} 

2d.  Jabez  Gibbs  barn  6o°.3o'      N.    2.  W 

3d.  Solo.  Gibbs  house  112.50      N.  49.      E 

4  top  round  hill  PL  Neck  1 15.55      N.  57^  E 

58 


5  rock  at  low  Plimouth  neck  128.40      N  64^  E 

6.  mouth  Scussett  river  I4343       N  79^  E 

7,  very  large  apple  tree  150.0        N  85^  E 
Mem0.  6  first  articles  W  of  river  —  grounds  slopes  gradually  I  chain 
from  fork  road  to  fence  on  right,  4ch.  with  in  fence  6th.  ends  in  road,  9th. 
end  at  N  side  cross  road  &  ich.  from  corner  4°.  921.  to  S  side  Back  river 
road,  course  resumed 

Ist.  tally  ends  in  Plirn0.  road  W.  Gibbs  left  of  road,  I  ch.  more  to  E. 
Burg  garden  on  left  of  road,  6ch.  of  2d.  tally  and  in  yd.  between  E.  Bur 
gess  well  &  house  offset  to  road  on  right  4ch.  o1. 

New  Station  in  Burgess's  yard,  Co-angles  with  last  course  laid 
off  to  our  right  bearing 

R.  Gibbs  Senr.  barn  42°. 50'      N  10°.    E 

d°.      house  48.0        N.  15^.  E 

Jab.  Gibbs  barn  66.20       N  33^/2  E 

Sol.  Gibbs  house  109.15       N  76^2  E 

Rock  noted  from  Ist.  station  JO9-37       N  76^  E 

Jos.  Bodfish's  house  in  Tupper's  lane  bay 

Town  neck  14145       E  70^  S 

(Mem0.  Plirn0.  round  hill  hid  by  Gibbs's  high  range  N  of  Scussett  river 

4ch.  from  this  last  station  to  E  side  PI.  road  3ch.  6O1  before  coming 
to  Scusset  river,  Co  <  last  course  &  middle  bridge  40°.  40'.  along  road 
—  3ch.  ob1  to  middle  bridge  river  30*.  wide  &  6  inch,  deep  —  4th.  chain 
goes  to  N  side  bridge  Co-angle  with  course  to  left  for  R.  G.  Senrs.  barn 
22°.  30',  station  N  end  bridge  in  the  road  —  N  5°  W 
6ch.  to  upland  N  of  river  &  W  from  road 

Ist.  tally  ends  in  rye  field  behind  R.  G.  sen.  house  &  2  rods  from  it.  2ch. 
9O1.  more  bring  us  to  R.  G.  sen.  barn  whole  of  this  range  I2ch.  90*.  < 
of  last  course  &  Jab.  G.  barn  laid  off  to  left  &  retrospect.  58°.  10'.  course 
E  30°  S  ground  pretty  high  —  distance  to  Jabez's  barn  8ch.  offset  to 
side  Meadow  on  right  4ch.  Angles  &  bearings  at  Jabez  Gibbs's  barn, 
R.  Gibbs  senr.  barn  W.  13  N.  The  following  from  Ist.  station  this 
morn*  laid  off  to  left 

bearing 

Sol.  Gibbs  74° 45  S  77^  E 

Rock  at  PI.  neck  invis 

Jos.  Bodfish  59°. 20  S  58^  E 

Ist.  station  bears  —  S.    3       E 

Tides  commonly  rise  at  Spring  tides  to  lower  end  swamp  never  unless 
in  a  storm  to  the  bridge ;  perhaps  once  in  half  a  dozen  years  to  head 
swamp 

Ist.  tally  toward  Sol0.  Gibbs  ends  on  upland  steep  —  abt  6ch.  from 
meadow  —  8ch.  to  offsett  which  is  8ch.  to  swamp  &  3°.  40*.  to  river,  tide 
flows  at  full  &  change  abt.  4ch.  above  offset.  Course  resumed. 

2d.  tally  ends  on  sidehill  abt  same  dist  from  rivers  hills  on  S  side 
bearing  away 

3d.  tally  ends  at  S  W  corner  Sol.  Gibbs  house  slope  gentle  we  are 
now  near  foot  hill  —  rises  sharp  behind  house 

59 


Angles  at  Sol0.  Gibbs  j£  ch  from  house  in  range  for  first  station 
Angle  of  house  &  rock  28°.  laid  off  to  right  N  77  E 

d°.  &  mouth  Scussett  40°.  40'.  to  right  —  bears  E 

i°.  N 

Ist.  tally  ends  near  foot  hill  abt  4ch.  from  marsh  opp°.  island  in 
marsh  S.  side  of  river  —  5ch.  more  to  edge  marsh  which  runs  up  be 
hind  Plim°.  neck. 

2d.  tally  ends  near  creek,  island  appears  to  be  part  of  Plim.  neck, 
3ch.  to  creek,  I  over  &  2  to  upland 

3d.  tally  ends  on  side  hill  in  way  to  the  rock  19^2  chains  to  rock 
Angles  at  the  rock  —  base  the  last  range  from  S  G  —  top  of  round 
hill  on  Plim0  neck  to  right  retrosp.  69°  N  26  W    Mouth  of  river  ad 
vancing  co.  <  to  right  20°.  10'  E  8^2  S  Joseph  Bodfish's  house  Co  < 
65°.2o'  to  right  S  31°.  E  tally 
4th  tally  ends  j£  chain  forward 
8  chains  to  edge  marsh 

5  tally  ends  in  marsh  3  ch  more  to  river  which  is  abt  3  chains  broad. 

6  runs  abt  middle  marsh  sea  bank 

The  river  runs  between  Sol.  Gibbs  &  us,  round  N  end  neck,  then 
round  E  side  neck  within  sea  bank  —  &  so  to  beach  southward  of  the 
neck  The  neck  about  J^  mile  long  from  N  to  S.  &  abt  %  mile  marsh 
toN. 

Sea  bank  about  %  mile  wide  &  abt  30  feet  high 
28  May  1791   Morning  drew  plan  afternoon  went  to  Monimet 
Harbor  bears  from  Cut  Hill  E  2°,  N  by  N  end  needle  E  by  southend 
28  May  at  35^h.  PM.  Perry's  in  Monimet 
New  Baro.  29.45.  old  29.70  —  wind  whi  S  —  &  fair 
At  2d.  Station  S  E  pt.    Mashnee  S  43^   W,  whole  island  subtends 
2i°.2o'  —  S  E  &  first  course  87°.  to  left  retro 

<  Wenormuck  p*.  &  Ist.  course  91°.  40'  S.  37^  W. 

<  Rocky  pt.  &  Ist.  course  97°. 45'  S.  30  W 
W  p'.  Tobey's  island  108.20'.     S.  20  W 
E   p*.        d°.  i30°.25'.     S.  13  W. 

Back  river  E  p*.  I4O°.2O/,  old  Barom.  at  S.  Bourne's  house  hight  of  2d. 
Station  29,  69,  at  high  water  mark  29,  70. 

Retrospective  angles  with  this  course  round  Station  3d.  laid  off  to 
left — 

S  E  p*.  Mashnee          61.50 
Rocky  p'.  63°. 45' 


Wenormuck  neck         68.40' 
W  Tobeys  Island        81.25 


On  hill 
Barom.  29.68^ 


E  d°.  103.25 

Back  R.  E  p'.  90 

At  Station  7  on  Perry's  hill  29.68.    Top  hill  at  left  of  canal  29.67^ 
29  May  8*/2  A  M,  at  Mrs.  Fessenden's  in  the  chamber  29.70. 
S.  very  fair  &  calm,  at  the  ground  29.71^,  diff.  o,  01^=12  feet 
From  the  parting  of  the  Plimouth  &  Back  river  roads  the  way  is 
generally  level  &  sandy,  going  between  the  swamps  &  the  hills,  the 

60 


intervals  gradually  slope  to  the  Herring  river  &  the  vale  from  Thomas 
Bournes  to  the  Gibbses  is  seldom  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile  wide. 
Where  the  land  has  been  plowed  the  sand  is  turned  up,  tho'  the  ground 
is  generally  covered  with  green.  The  swamps  have  a  bottom  of  black 
loom  &  generally  so  soft  as  to  require  very  careful  walking  where 
the  brush  is  cut  off ;  but  the  brush  is  generally  so  thick  that  we  were 
obliged  to  have  a  man  precede  with  an  ax  to  cut  the  boughs  for  us  to 
see  the  length  of  a  chain.  &  the  same  process  was  continually  repeated 
for  near  a  mile  together  in  two  places.  Tho'  the  hills  on  the  southern 
side  of  the  river  are  generally  like  the  level  grounds  that  have  not  yet 
been  cleared,  covered  with  pine,  &  no  large  beds  of  rock  appear,  yet 
there  are  many  loose  rocks  especially  on  the  southern  side  of  the  road. 
The  quantity  of  stone  wall  toward  the  river  will  in  part  account  for 
the  apparent  difference  between  the  surface  on  the  different  sides  of 
the  road. 

This  was  the  side  of  the  river,  which  was  subjected  to  the  present 
survey,  as  it  was  the  only  part  in  which  a  canal  appears  to  be  prac 
ticable.  On  the  other  side  the  hills  rise  suddenly  from  the  river  to  a 
great  hight  &  tho'  the  banks  are  more  generally  cleared  yet  they  are 
very  narrow.  At  the  fork  of  Plimouth  &  Back  river  roads  we  turn 
&  to  the  left  crossed  the  Scusset  river,  which  here  inclines  to  the 
southward.  &  the  land  on  the  northern  side  is  drier  &  more  fit  for 
digging-  The  river  rises  in  a  swamp  near  a  mile  above  the  bridge,  & 
it  is  said  that  in  very  violent  storms  the  tide  has  been  felt  quite  to 
the  head  of  the  stream,  but  the  rising  was  not  by  a  direct  current  for 
that  it  is  said  always  sets  downward  at  the  bridge,  &  for  about  a  furlong 
below  it.  This  account  is  corroborated  by  the  appearance  of  the 
ground  which  on  both  sides  of  the  river  proper  salt  marsh  till  within 
a  furlong  of  the  bridge,  &  above  that  the  banks  are  covered  with 
brush,  &  the  bottom  of  the  same  kind  as  the  other  swamps  for  fifteen 
or  twenty  rods  from  the  river.  On  the  northern  side,  the  range  of 
upland  continues  in  our  course  for  about  five  furlongs  to  the  Marsh, 
which  there  turns  to  the  northward  The  soil  generally  clay  &  the 
hills  rising  gradually  but  pretty  steep.  Till  this  turn  the  edge  of  the 
marsh  is  generally  between  twenty  &  thirty  rods  from  the  course  of 
our  survey.  We  crossed  the  marsh  &  Scusset  river  after  the  turn 
northerly,  &  the  whole  distance  to  the  upland  was  forty  four  rods,  four 
of  which  may  be  considered  as  the  general  width  of  the  river  in  this 
turn.  The  marsh  is  in  many  places  of  so  soft  a  texture  as  to  render 
it  dangerous  walking.  It  quakes  like  thin  ice  to  a  several  feet  distance 
at  every  step;  but  this  is  more  especially  observable  near  the  skirts 
of  the  upland.  The  rising  ground  or  rather  hill  at  which  we  came 
next  in  course  is  called  Plimouth  neck  by  the  neighbors  to  distinguish 
it  from  another  hill  nearer  to  the  town  of  Sandwich  which  is  com 
monly  called  the  Neck,  or  town  neck.  Plimouth  Neck  notwithstand 
ing  its  name  lies  wholly  in  Sandwich  &  is  an  high  hill  upwards  of 
half  a  mile  in  length  from  north  to  south  &  nearly  three  furlongs  wide 


61 


where  we  crossed  it.  This  part  may  easily  be  distinguished  by  a 
large  solitary  rock,  the  land  of  this  neck  being  clay  &  commonly  so 
free  from  stones,  that  the  fences  are  almost  wholly  of  wood.  The 
northern  part  of  the  neck  is  easily  known  by  a  very  handsome,  round, 
high  hill.  This  ridge  is  joined  to  the  rest  of  the  upland  by  a  low  neck 
over  which  in  very  severe  northeast  storms  the  tide  rises,  but  not  at 
the  common  spring  tides. 
Went  to  meeting. 

30  May;    Old  Barom.  at  Fessenden's  @  7  AM.  29.75%  New  one  at 
Perry's  9h.  29.50.    A  fine  day.    At  5h%  PM.  at  Perry's  New  B.  29.42% 

Being  disappointed  of  a  boat  I  was  obliged  to  defer  the  soundings 
till  the  morrow,  &  rode  to  Poocasset,  the  south  parish  in  Sandwich,  to 
Scraggy  neck,  which  is  a  parsonage  land  of  the  first  parish  &  contains 
about  400  acres.  I  was  to  have  met  the  rest  of  the  company  there,  & 
gone  by  water  myself  from  Back-river  the  distance  from  Perry's  being 
across  the  bay  five  miles  &  an  half  &  by  land  about  seven  miles.  As 
it  was  I  had  the  happiness  to  ride  with  Mrs.  Burr  the  whole  way 
Reckoning  6/.  Returned  to  tea  at  Sandwich,  spent  part  of  the  even 
ing  at  home  with  Rev.  Mr.  Hawley. 

31  May  Wind  S  W  fair,    old  Barom.  29.70%  at  6%h  &  8%h  &  29.77%. 
At  ih.  PM.  at  the  ground  29.84.     The  two  first  obs.  in  chamber  - 
begun  to  rain  as  we  had  our  horses  at  the  door  to  go  &  take  the  sound 
ings  at  Backriver,  which  delayed  us.     Raining  steady  now  we  are 
going  to  Scusset  river  to  measure  tides  &  bank  &  take  elevations. 

old  Barom. 

Scusset  seabank  at  the  foot  next  marsh  29.84%        84 

Top  of  Bank  29.81  80. 

Top  of  Bank  81. 

Springtide  high  water  mark  29.83        82 


d°.          low  water  (not  down  by  an  hour          29.85% 

Reuben  Gibbs  jr  at  fork  of  roads  29.82% 

Round  hill  opp°.  29.79 

Scusset  Bridge  29.84% 

Jabez  Gibbs  @  road  29.83% 

d°.                  barn  29.83% 

Mrs.  Fessenden's  door  returning  29.83% 

d°.        chamber  29.82 
showery  all  afternoon 

Mrs.  F.  chamber  ioh.  eve,  thick  &  showery             29.85 

i  June  7  AM.  same  place,  cloudy  29.88 

8%h.            d°  —    clearing  away  29.88% 

at  the  ground  29.90 

9%h.  R.  Gibbs  jr.  fair  wind  Em  29.89% 

Ben.  Ellis  road  29.89% 

d°.     Well  29.90+ 


82. 
83. 


62 


Cut  hill  at  road  29.80 

d°.  botm.  at  bottom  swamp  29.90^ 

d°.  Top  hill  29.84^ 

Offset  at  Tho.  Burgess  in  road  29-9J 

Hill  near  Dr.  Bournes  in  road  from  his 
house  to  Sandwich  meeting  house  29.88 

Road  at  Dr.  Bourne's  29.90 

Bourne's  bridge,  Herring  river  29.91*4 

d°.        house  29.90%- 

%  mile  from  Elisha  Bourne  towd.  Back  river        29.89 

Middle  field  29.89% 

Edge  swamp  at  same  place,  wet  29.90 

Capt.  Elisha  Perry's  house  at  ground  29.88% 

At  station  7th.  in  field  29.88% 

At  top  hill  29.86% 

At  head  swamp  29.90 

In  Perry's  chamber  29.89% 

At  fence  behind  Sam.  Bournes  j  29.91% 

2d.  obs.  of  same  ( 29.90% 

At  bank  Back  river  29.90 

highwater  mark  29.91% 

low  w  d°  29.92- 

Slope  gradual  from  Station  3d.  to  back  river- 

At  I2%h  went  aboard  to  take  the  soundings  &  left  a  pole  standing  at 
low  water. 

General  depth  in  the  bason  at  low  water  7  to  8  feet,  off  back  river  E 
p*.  towd.  Rocky  pf.  9  feet  a  little  to  east  of  the  line  2  fathom,  just  off 
Rocky  p*.  11%  feet,  without  the  point,  ranging  with  S  B.  house  13 
feet,  on  bar  between  Rocky  p*.  &  Mashnee  abt  half  way  —  between  7  & 
8  feet  runs  across  channel  --  soon  deepens  to  16  feet,  bar  lies  from 
Hog  island  toward  N  p*.  of  Tobey's  island,  in  line  from  W.  Tobey 
to  N  Mashnee  14  feet.  Mid-channel  from  S°.  Tobey  I.  to  S.  Mashnee 
18  feet  S°.  Mashnew  to  head  Wenormuck  13  feet.  Shoals  to  12  ft,  to 
n,  to  12,  13,  E  Mashnee  &  for  Wenormuck,  head  Wenorm.  &  Ware- 
ham  great  hill  12%,  12,  shoal  or  Middle  ground  from  W.  great  hill, 
course  for  Wenorm.  11%,  n,  10,  9%,  9,  8%,  8,  7%  range  from  Mash 
nee  to  Wenormuck  Rocky  p1.  open,  deepens  to  8,  8%,  9,  7%,  channel 
lies  between  us  &  the  neck,  9,  12,  at  %  mile  from  shore,  24,  channel 
lies  nearest  the  SE  side  Wenorm.  lies  abt  SW  from  Back  river, 
Rocky  pt  to  be  kept  in  sight  to  avoid  middle  ground.  In  returning 
from  Wenormuck  a  vessel  should  keep  Rocky  point  between  Mashnee 
&  Tobey's  Islands,  when  they  come  against  Mashnee  may  keep  Rocky 
point  just  clear  of  TolTey's  island  &  after  that  steer  directly  for  the 
point.  In  that  course  there  is  about  10  feet  at  least  At  4%h.  landed 
on  our  return.  This  completes  our  survey.  Dined  at  Capt  Perry's 
New  Barom.  in  Morn.  29.73.  Now  29.70,  window  open  all  day 
Sprinkling  in  the  evening.  Settled  the  plan  of  a  ride  to  Falmouth 
with  Mrs.  Burr  &  Mr.  H.  tomorrow.  Mr.  Burr  to  come  down  on 


Friday.  The  Scussett  Beach  &  Bank  sandy.  The  latter  is  between 
a  furlong  &  half  a  mile  in  width  at  the  base  &  ends  in  a  sharp  ridge 
of  unusual  hight.  It  is  all  a  loose  sand  but  the  side  toward  the  marsh 
has  a  little  straggling  beach  grass  not  enough  to  bind  the  surface. 
The  beach  pea  is  also  found  mixed  with  this  grass  &  is  an  esculent 
vegetable  both  stem  &  seed.  The  grass  is  like  the  other  plants  of 
that  kind  much  esteemed  for  cattle.  Tho'  it  is  heavy  traveller  on  that 
side  of  the  bank  toward  the  marsh  yet  the  beach  is  infinitely  worse. 
An  horse  will  sink  to  his  fetlock,  &  upon  taking  up  his  hoof  the  sand 
flows  in  so  as  nearly  to  fill  the  track.  The  sand  runs  nearly  as  easy 
as  ashes.  It  is  said  on  good  authority,  tho'  I  did  not  see  them  myself, 
that  the  hills  on  both  sides  of  the  vale  near  Dr.  Bourne's  have  large 
beds  of  rock.  I  saw  only  detached  ones.  The  wood  is  chiefly  pine 
&  no  heavy  timber  within  sight  of  the  road.  Where  the  pine  has  been 
cut  off  it  is  mostly  replaced  by  a  young  growth  of  oak,  but  no  walnut. 
In  some  places  the  pine  shrubs  fill  the  place  of  the  former  growth. 
The  price  of  pine  is  said  to  be  one  shilling  &  four  pence  a  cord 
standing. 

2  June.  Rode  to  Falmouth  in  the  chaise  with  Mrs.  Burr,  &  left  the 
sulkey  for  Mr.  Burr  to  come  to  morrow.  Mr.  Parker  &  Miss  H.  rode 
in  my  chaise.  After  three  miles  pretty  uneven  &  woody  way  came 
to  a  very  level,  handsome,  but  narrow  road  thro'  the  woods,  which 
reaches  15  miles  to  Falrn0.  At  eight  miles  from  Sandwich,  Mashpee 
pond  lies  on  our  left.  It  is  a  fine  pond.  The  eastern  side  only  is  called 
Mashpee  where  Mr.  Hawley's  mission  lies.  Falmouth  lies  ten  miles 
further,  in  a  flat  country,  &  is  a  pleasant  town  but  as  it  is  out  of  repair 
cannot  vie  with  Sandwich  tho'  Mrs.  Burr  was  with  me.  Got  to  Mr. 
Parker's  dine.  He  lives  nobly  at  Woods's  hole  which  is  the  name 
for  this  end  of  the  cape.  His  house  is  large  &  handsome  within  a 
few  rods  of  the  water  of  little  harbor.  Nobska  point  separates  the 
little  from  great  harbor.  There  are  only  ten  dwelling  houses  round 
the  former  but  with  the  shops  &  outbuildings,  &  the  irregularity  of 
the  ground,  it  appears  like  a  considerable  settlement.  There  are  more 
houses  round  Great  harbor,  but  the  ground  between  is  so  high  that  we 
do  not  see  both  setlements  at  once.  In  the  afternoon  we  went  across 
to  Nannimisset  the  nearest  of  the  Elizabeth  islands.  It  is  about  a 
mile  across  &  as  much  from  the  cape.  The  channel  is  rocky  &  of 
difficult  navigation,  &  the  tide  is  rapid.  The  current  in  the  Vineyard 
sound  is  at  half  tide  estimated  at  four  miles,  between  the  Elizabeth 
islands  at  six  or  seven  &  at  the  head  of  Buzzards  bay  only  one  mile 
in  an  hour.  From  Rhode  island  up  the  middle  of  the  bay,  it  is  said 
there  is  no  difficulty  of  navigation.  The  bay  is  from  the  W  side  of  the 
cape  five  leagues  across  to  New  Bedford  &  about  six  up  to  Monimet. 
From  Nannimisset  we  could  see  the  land  all  round  &  easily  distin 
guished  Wareham  Great  hill.  In  severe  winters  the  whole  bay  freezes. 
The  last  season  no  water  was  to  be  seen  on  that  side.  In  1780  &  1786, 
the  winters  beginning  in  those  years  were  so  severe  that  loaded  sleds 
passed  over  between  Woods's  hole  &  New  Bedford  on  the  ice.  But 


in  moderate,  open  winters  the  whole  Bay  remains  clear,  as  in  those 
that  begun  in  1788  &  1789.  Nashon  the  second  &  largest  of  the 
Elizabeth  islands  as  well  as  Nannimisset  belong  to  the  estate  of  James 
Bowdoin  Esq.  of  Dorchester,  son  of  the  late  Governor.  They  are 
estimated  at  about  £10,000  value,  but  the  rent  not  in  proportion. 

Martha's  Vineyard  lies  about  5  or  6  miles  from  &  parallel  to  the 
cape.  The  houses  &  trees  are  seen  distinctly  across  the  sound,  which 
is  of  easy  navigation. 

3  June.    The  Spring  tide  rises  in  Woods's  hole  between  three  &  four 
feet.    The  course  for  Holmes's  hole  in  the  Vineyard  is  Southeasterly. 
One  mile  clears  us  of  Little  Harbor,  six  to  the  West  chop  of  H.  hole 
which  is  one  mile  wide  &  two  inland  to  the  landing.    About  a  mile 
from  the  shore  in  the  sound  is  a  middle  ground  about  3  or  4  miles  long, 
&  about  as  many  feet  below  the  surface  at  low  water  &  two  feet 
deeper  at  high  water.     At  H.  hole  the  tide  rises  about  4  feet.     The 
country  round  the  bay  is  generally  cleared,  &  rises  gently.     About 
forty  houses,  some  in  clusters  &  others  scattering,  give  it  a  pretty 
appearance.    The  fare  for  a  man  &  horse  is  7/.    We  drank  tea  at  Dog- 
get's  &  having  borrowed  a  saddle  of  Mr.  Abraham  Chase,  who  was 
exceedingly  civil  &  obliging  to  us  strangers,  we  set  out  for  Edgar 
town,  at  the  east  end  of  the  island.    Just  at  dark  we  reached  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Thaxter's  where  we  were  cheerfully  received  &  hospitably  treated. 
The  road  was  tolerably  level,  &  mostly  cleared,  but  some  large  groves 
of  oak.     The  soil  light  but  green,  &  the  houses  small  &  neat.     The 
passage  across  was  very  rough. 

4  June,  A  fine  rain  all  the  morning  prevented  us  from  riding.    Dined 
with  Mrs.  Thaxter.     After  dinner  We  went  to  see  the  harbor  which 
is  easy  of  access  &  secure,  between  Choppaquiddic  &  the  Vineyard. 
About  70  dwelling  houses  were  in  sight  in  our  walk,  &  two  windmills. 
The  town  is  pleasantly  situated,  &  the  country  round  rises  into  mod 
erate  hills,  the  soil  light,  but  well  covered  with  green.    The  land  is 
rather  sheep  pasture  than  fit  for  hay,  or  feeding  large  cattle. 

5  June  Rode  to  Chilmark  in  the  morning.     A  fine  day.    The  road  is 
generally  very  level  for  the  first  nine  miles  to  Tisbury.    This  part  of 
the  town  is  pleasantly  situated  in  a  valley  with  a  considerable  brook 
running  thro'  it  into  the  sea  on  the  south  side  of  the  island.     Two 
grist  mills  stand  upon  it.     The  situation  of  the  houses  is  such  as  to 
give  the  appearance  of  a  town.    The  land  in  the  valley  is  fertile,  &  the 
regularity  of  the  fences  as  great  as  it  is  near  the  Capital.    The  plain 
that  we  rode  over  to  get  here  is  covered  with  oak  brush,  &  small  bay 
berry  bushes,  &  in  some  places  the  brush  crosses  the  road.    But  from 
Tisbury  to  Chilmark  the  ground  is  more  unequal,  &  at  the  latter  place 
rises  into  large  hills.    The  distance  between  these  two  towns  is  about 
3  miles.     We  put  up  at  Rev  Mr.  Smith's  &  attended  meeting.     Near 
the  Meeting  house,  which  stands  on  an  high  hill,  the  red  ochre  appears 
at  the  surface  of  the  ground.    The  land  in  this  town  is  said  to  be  as 
fertile  as  any  in  the  State,  but  the  inhabitants  are  exceedingly  negli' 


gent  of  manuring  it.  The  whole  town  contains  82  houses,  exclusive 
of  the  indian  settlement,  as  Edgartown  does  130  in  the  whole  extent 
of  it. 

6  June.  A  clear  morning.  Rev.  Mr.  Smith  []  Bassett  Esq.  &  Dr.  Matthew 
Mahew,  &  Mr.  Allen  politely  accompanied  us  to  Gay  Head,  which  is 
the  West  end  of  the  island,  &  receives  its  name  from  the  variety  & 
vivacity  of  its  colors.  In  our  course  we  crossed  Nimsha  creek,  an  inlet 
from  the  sound,  by  fording  it.  It  was  there  about  a  furlong  wide,  per 
haps  a  little  more,  &  up  to  the  horses  bellies,  the  tide  being  down.  The 
spring  tides  rise  about  three  feet,  &  are  three  hours  later  than  on  the 
south  side  of  the  island.  The  creek  nearly  cuts  the  island  in  two.  A 
sea  bank  like  that  of  Scusset  both  for  hight  &  texture.  Gay  head  is  an 
indian  settlement,  not  incorporated,  &  known  to  the  islanders  by  the 
appellation  of  the  Constablerick  of  Gay  head.  In  several  places  the 
soil  is  discolored.  It  is  a  clay  soil,  &  the  ochres  that  appear  in  many 
places  when  wet  resemble  colored  clay,  when  dry  &  pulverized  feel 
unctuous  to  the  finger.  The  colors  at  the  head  are  red,  white,  brown, 
orange,  flesh  color,  &  black.  The  red  &  white  are  ochre,  as  the  flesh 
color  is  a  mixture  of  the  two.  The  brown  is  the  tobacco  pipe  clay 
which  burns,  &  is  found  here  &  at  Chilmark,  but  has  not  yet  been 
found  in  any  other  part  of  the  state.  It  burns  white.  The  orange 
color  is  a  coarse  gravel,  &  the  black  pulverized  coals.  Among  the  speci 
mens  which  I  brought  away  is  a  piece  of  wood  taken  out  of  the  cliff, 
one  side  of  it  burnt  to  a  coal,  &  on  the  other  the  fibres  of  the  wood 
remain.  But  a  large  quantity  of  the  coals  is  pulverized,  &  shoots  crys 
tals  of  the  allum  taste,  which  detonate  in  burning.  We  found  them  in 
various  states,  some  complete,  &  others  apparently  forming  from  the 
coal.  The  same  place  yields  a  strong  smell  of  sulphur,  &  the  stones 
appear  some  of  them  to  have  been  in  a  state  of  fusion.  Specimens  of 
the  spunge  we  also  brought  away.  The  cliff  is  very  steep  &  about 
70  or  80  feet  high  on  a  rough  estimate.  From  the  top  of  it  we  could 
trace  the  shore  to  Rhode  island  &  round  Buzzards  bay  &  the  Eliza 
beth  islands.  This  head  land  is  what  is  known  in  Gosnold's  journal 
as  a  land  of  many  colors,  which  he  passed  after  leaving  Martha's  Vine 
yard,  it  being  agreed  that  what  is  now  called  Noman's  land  or  Nor 
man's  land  in  the  maps,  originally  bore  the  name  of  Martha's  Vineyard. 
After  passing  Gayhead  he  describes  the  sound,  &  his  fixing  his  colony 
on  an  island  with  a  pond  &  an  islet  in  it.  It  is  said  that  some  remains 
of  his  fort  are  still  to  be  seen  &  fix  the  description  to  Cuttahunk,  the 
outermost  of  the  Elizabeth  islands. 

In  Gay  head  is  an  indentment,  much  in  this  form  []  where  the 
black  line  represents  the  steep  cliff,  open  on  the  side  toward  the  sea. 
It  is  known  among  the  Indians  as  Mawshup's  oven,  where  he  baked 
the  whales  to  feast  his  children.  This  Mawshup  was  the  indian  God. 
The  english  inhabitants  call  the  place  the  Devils  den.  The  indian 
tradition  &  the  form  of  the  place  will  fix  this  for  the  crater  if  ever  there 
was  a  volcano  here.  We  returned  by  the  beach  on  the  south  side. 
The  sea  washes  up  the  black  sand  used  for  writing.  &  on  the  part  be- 

66 


tvveen  Nimsha  Creek  &  the  sea  the  wind  has  raised  an  hill  as  much  as 
20  feet  high  of  loose  sand  free  from  stones  or  herbage.  About  a  mile 
from  Chilmark  meeting  house  is  a  long  flat  rock  balanced  on  another 
so  accurately  that  a  man  may  easily  vibrate  it.  At  Gayhead  we  visited 
a  wigwam,  &  it  corresponds  very  well  with  the  drawing  that  have 
been  published  &  was  pleasantly  situated  in  a  valley  near  a  small 
stream  of  fresh  water.  The  Indians  have  now  generally  framed  their 
houses  in  our  fashion.  We  dined  again  with  Mr.  Smith,  whose  polite 
ness  induced  him  to  accompany  us  six  miles  on  our  way  to  Holmes' s 
hole,  where  we  parted.  We  drank  tea  once  more  at  Dogget's,  &  a 
passage  of  an  hour  &  twenty  minutes  carried  to  the  landing  in  little 
harbor.  Mr.  Burr  &  Lady  had  gone  about  three  hours  before  to 
Sandwich.  We  had  once  more  a  polite  reception  at  Mr.  Parker's. 

7  June,  A  fine  day,  Rode  to  Mashpee  &  dined  with  Rev.  Mr.  Hawley,  & 
then   to    Sandwich.      At    Mr.   Hawley's   went   to    see    the    Trout   an 
indian  antiquity.     It  is  an  artificial  mound  55  feet  long  &  27  wide, 
gradually  rounded  over  the  top  &  tapered  at  the  ends  in  some  resem 
blance  to  a  fish.    The  story  is  that  the  fishes  chose  a  Trout  for  their 
king,  to  open  a  passage  to  a  pond  about  two  miles  from  the  sea.    He 
effected  it,  &  upon  his  return  died  &  was  buried  here,  &  hither  the 
indians  resorted  annually  to  honor  his  memory,  &  repair  &  augment  his 
tomb.    Three  or  four  trees  of  about  10  inches  diameter  are  growing  up 
on  it.    A  flounder  twisting  his  mouth  in  contempt  of  his  king,  it  be 
came  fixed  in  that  form  &  stamped  on  all  the  species. 

The  Trout  brook,  tho'  it  abounds  much  more  in  Herrings,  is  at 
this  place  about  five  feet  wide  &  shoal.  The  banks  are  pretty  high  & 
the  trees  meet  over  the  stream,  &  form  a  romantic  situation. 

At  Sandwich  I  met  Mr.  Davis  of  the  Committee,  who  brought  the 
additional  resolve  of  the  General  Court  for  further  surveys ;  but  as  no 
order  had  passed  the  Committee,  we  agreed  to  view  the  proposed 
ground  at  Barnstable  tomorrow,  &  report  the  expediency  or  inexpe 
diency  of  a  survey.  Drank  tea  at  Mr.  Burr's.  After  tea  walked  with 
the  Ladies  to  General  Freemans  &  Col.  Williams's. 

8  June,  Rode  to  Barnstable  with  Mr.  Davis  to  view  the  ground  between 
B.  Harbor  &  Hyannus;    having  fitted  out  Mr.  Parker  &  Miss  H.  for 
Boston.    Our  road  was  much  more  sandy  &  heavy  than  any  between 
Boston  &  Sandwich,  but  the  fields  on  each  side  were  covered  with 
grass,  while  the  road  was  so  loose  that  the  wheels  in  many  places  sunk 
two  inches,  &  some  times  over  the  rim.     At  about  4^4  miles  on  our 
way,  Scorton  neck  is  an  high  ground  at  the  left  with  a  body  of  marsh 
between  that  &  the  road.    Tho'  the  hills  where  plowed  did  not  give  by 
any  means  an  advantageous  idea  of  the  soil,  the  houses  &  barns  ap 
peared  to  be  in  good  order,  probably  owing  to  the  certain  resource 
which  the  inhabitants  find  in  their  extensive  marshes.    A  mile  &  half 
more  brings  us  to  Scorton  hill  on  the  road  to  Barnstable  &  chiefly  in 
that  town.    The  elevation  of  its  summit  enables  us  to  trace  the  cape 
to  Province  town  excepting  a  low  part  between  that  settlement  & 
Truro.    Long  point,  near  the  pitch  of  the  Cape  appears  high  &  wooded, 


&  the  sandy  beach  is  discernible  without  a  glass.  But  toward  Truro  I 
was  unable  to  distinguish  it  with  one.  We  stopped  at  Barnstable  at 
Brigadier  Otis' s  who  politely  went  down  to  the  other  parish  &  dined 
with  us,  as  did  Rev.  Mr.  Mellen,  &  after  dinner  both  of  them  accom 
panied  us  to  the  south  side  of  the  cape.  From  the  meeting  house  hill 
is  an  extensive  view  of  the  harbor  the  country  &  the  sea.  This  town 
contains  a  considerable  number  of  houses  along  the  road,  &  is  the  shire 
town.  In  crossing  the  cape  the  first  mile  is  high,  the  summit  being 
estimated  by  Mr.  Mellen  at  eighty  feet  high.  This  great  elevation 
extends  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  &  there  is  no  avoiding  it  the  hill 
being  part  of  a  ridge  which  runs  the  whole  length  of  the  cape.  A  mile 
&  a  quarter  from  the  Harbor  brought  us  to  tolerably  level  land,  where 
a  series  of  ponds  begins.  The  first  is  Hatheway's  pond  &  is  of  small 
extent  &  tho'  in  some  places  the  owner  estimates  it  at  upwards  of 
twenty  feet  deep,  he  supposed  that  this  &  some  of  the  other  ponds  are 
chiefly  from  four  to  eight  feet  in  depth.  Southward  from  hence  &  at 
intervals  of  a  very  few  rods  only  lye  two  or  three  other  small  ponds 
between  Hatheways  &  West's.  This  last  is  long  &  winding  &  has  much 
the  air  of  a  river.  A  few  rods  only  separate  it  from  Great  pond,  which 
is  of  irregular  shape  &  in  some  places  esteemed  at  a  league  across.  The 
general  circumference  is  said  to  be  three  leagues.  The  country  round 
these  ponds  is  in  general  wooded  but  in  some  places  we  have  good 
views  of  the  farms  across  them. 

Various  accounts  are  given  us  but  none  of  them  such  as  to  afford 
a  tolerable  estimate  of  their  depth.  Great  pond  was  set  at  8,  18,  &  36 
feet,  &  these  probably  are  only  in  small  parts  of  it.  Near  the  shores, 
lillies  &  rushes  growing  to  a  considerable  distance  indicate  shoal  water, 
&  the  islands  which  lie  further  off  are  low,  &  do  not  rise  sharp.  One 
man  told  us  of  his  wading  from  one  island  to  another.  About  fifty 
years  ago  a  canal  was  made  from  it  to  Long  pond  &  from  that  to  a 
creek  which  empties  into  Lewis's  bay  near  to  Oyster  island.  It  was 
made  for  the  Herrings  to  pass  up.  But  the  country  not  being  springy 
the  ponds  sunk  to  the  level  of  the  canal  &  disappointed  the  pro 
prietors.  At  present  it  remains  a  monument  of  useless  labor.  The 
greatest  depth  of  the  canal  from  the  top  of  the  banks  raised  by  the 
gravel  thrown  out  of  it,  does  not  appear  to  exceed  fifteen  feet,  &  that 
only  for  a  short  distance.  The  length  of  both  cuts  exclusive  of  the 
breadth  of  Long  pond  appears  to  exceed  half  a  mile.  This  range  of 
ponds  is  above  three  miles  long  &  if  deep  enough  would  be  of  great 
service  toward  a  canal.  The  inconvenience  of  this  range  is  that  it  ter 
minates  on  an  open  coast  where  vessels  cannot  be  sheltered  from 
storms.  The  distance  from  Great  pond  or  Long  pond  to  Hyannus  road 
is  estimated  at  somewhat  more  than  two  miles.  This  distance  added  to 
a  mile  &  a  quarter  from  Barnstable  harbor  to  Hatheway's  pond,  &  the 
small  necks  between  the  ponds  will  make  the  land  to  be  dug  at 
least  three  miles  &  an  half,  &  the  whole  distance  across  from  harbor 
to  harbor  is  estimated  at  five  miles  by  the  inhabitants.  Hyannus  road, 
so  called  from  John  Wyanno  an  indian  sachem,  is  open  to  the  south  & 

68 


southwest  winds,  &  is  in  a  semicircular  form.  The  distance  across 
the  mouth  of  the  bay  is  about  a  league,  &  from  the  eastern  point  to  the 
head  of  the  bay  where  the  harbor  properly  opens  is  about  two  miles. 
The  harbor  is  called  Lewis's  bay  &  must  be  distinguished  from  another 
bay  of  the  same  name  near  oyster  island,  which  has  been  already  men 
tioned.  This,  which  for  that  reason  we  shall  call  Hyannus  harbor,  is 
said  to  have  n  or  12  feet  water  near  the  shore  &  may  be  easily  entred 
at  any  time  by  vessels  of  8  feet  draft ;  &  we  were  also  told  that  pilots 
may  at  high  water  conduct  vessels  in,  that  draw  13  or  14  feet.  We 
returned  by  the  direct  road  to  Barnstable.  The  country  after  one  mile's 
travel  from  Hyannus  is  covered  with  pine  wood  chiefly,  but  inter 
spersed  with  oak,  &  is  very  flat.  The  slope  is  gradual  till  we  come  to 
the  ridge  which  on  that  side  is  not  remarkably  steep.  From  the  top 
of  Kidd's  hill  we  had  a  view  of  both  seas.  The  tide  is  from  3  to  4  feet 
at  Hyannus  &  four  times  as  much  in  Barnstable  Harbor.  This  remark 
holds  along  from  Sandwich  downward  &  the  outside  of  the  cape  is 
three  hours  sooner  in  the  tide  than  the  inside  &  in  Buzzards  bay  three 
hours  &  an  half  earlier  than  the  other  side.  It  is  reckoned  that  in 
long  strips  they  have  on  the  south  side  of  Barnstable  1000  acres  of 
marsh,  &  three  times  as  much  on  the  north  side,  yielding  annually  a 
tun  of  hay  to  an  acre.  The  upland  is  generally  light  &  the  sward  thin. 
Where  there  is  a  clay  bottom,  it  is  coarse  &  mixed  with  gravel.  Lodged 
at  Sturgis's.  A  good  house. 

9  June.  Breakfasted  with  Brigadier  Otis,  &  dined  with  Brigadier  Free 
man  at  Sandwich.     Rev.  Mr.  Burr  &  lady  &  other  company  present. 
After  dinner  Mr.  Davis  set  out  for  Plimouth  &  Boston,  &  carried  my 
letter  to  the  Secretary  in  answer  to  his  which  inclosed  the  resolve  of 
the  Gen.  Court.     I  got  my  sulkey  fixed  for  transporting  the  instru 
ments,  packed  up  my  things,  &  spent  part  of  the  evening  with  the 
Ladies,  &  took  leave  of  Gen.  Freeman  &  family. 

10  June.    Rev.  Mr.  Burr,  Col.  Williams,  &  Capt.  Allen  called  at  Fessen- 
den's  to  take  leave.    Saw  Mrs.  Burr  at  home.    Three  weeks  residence 
here  has  attached  me  to  the  place  &  I  should  not  do  justice,  if  I  omitted 
to  remark  the  friendship  &  politeness  of  the  families  that  I  have  men 
tioned.    This  is  the  pleasantest  town  on  the  cape.    The  houses  near 
the  meeting  house  have  been  repaired  &  painted.    The  goodness  of  the 
soil,  the  moderate  inequalities  of  the  ground  generally,  &  some  pretty 
steep  hills  at  a  distance  from  the  road,  with  a  pretty  large  pond  form 
an  elegant  variety  of  prospects.     The  town  is  said  to  contain  in  its 
whole  extent  above  3000  souls  &  to  be  a  little  above  Plimouth  in  popu 
lation.    My  acquaintance  urge  my  coming  down  with  the  Committee, 
but  I  must  for  the  present  leave  them  &  journey  to  Plimouth. 

Seven  miles  from  Sandwich  is  Ellis's  tavern.  After  passing 
Scusset  river  the  country  rises  into  high  hills  over  which  we  ride  thro' 
woods,  at  4^2  miles  on  our  way  from  Sandwich  we  see  Herring  pond, 
at  the  left  &  about  half  a  mile  from  the  road.  We  evidently  look 
down  upon  it.  At  Ellis's  is  an  artificial  harbor  made  by  opening  a 
pond.  The  roots  of  trees  found  there  prove  it  to  be  artificial.  They 

69 


give  me  this  account.  For  about  twenty  years  the  passage  was  be 
tween  two  hummocks  which  at  high  water  are  islands.  They  were 
then  obliged  to  clear  the  inlet  8  or  10  times  in  a  year  by  digging.  At 
last  a  violent  storm  choked  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  &  made  a  new  inlet 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  it  toward  the  south  west.  The  in 
habitants  endeavored  to  keep  this  passage  open  by  wharfing  the  sides 
of  it,  &  as  the  sands  accumulated  they  continued  their  wharves  for 
about  twenty  rods  on  each  side,  &  dug  a  canal  from  it  to  the  little  creek 
that  winds  thro'  the  marsh  in  the  harbor.  After  about  six  years  from 
the  opening  of  this  inlet  by  the  sea,  the  wharves  were  so  broken  by 
storms,  that  a  great  tempest  filled  the  mouth  of  it,  &  opened  a  third 
channel  near  the  upland  on  the  northeast  side  of  the  harbor.  This 
was  made  commodious  for  boats,  but  now  after  five  years  use  is  so 
choked  that  the  salt  water  stagnates  upon  the  marsh.  The  last  year 
the  whole  of  it  was  mowed.  To  morrow  is  fixed  for  clearing  it.  The 
low  water  of  spring  tides  is  about  ancle  deep  &  at  Neap  tides  not  higher 
than  a  man's  knee.  At  high  water  in  spring  tides  it  is  about  four  feet 
deep  at  the  entrance,  but  the  low  water  mark  without  the  harbor  is 
12  or  13  feet  below  the  highwater  mark.  This  shews  the  elevation  of 
the  bason.  The  beach  or  sea  bank  is  of  the  same  kind  as  those  of 
Scusset  &  Barnstable.  The  harbor  extends  near  half  a  mile  from  the 
shore  to  the  Plimouth  road,  &  as  much  along  the  coast. 

At  one  o'clock  set  out  for  Plimouth.  The  first  six  miles  thro' 
woods  where  there  only  three  houses  &  two  of  them  new  ones  made 
of  logs.  The  road  is  generally  level  &  sandy.  The  remainder  of  the 
way  is  cleared.  Two  miles  along  Eel  river  bring  us  to  the  bridge  & 
three  more  to  the  town  of  Plimouth.  The  country  is  uneven  &  affords 
a  good  view  of  the  sea.  The  houses  thicken  fast  for  a  mile  &  half  from 
the  courthouse,  &  the  town  is  large.  Tho'  by  much  the  greater  part 
of  it  is  wood  land,  owing  to  the  poverty  of  the  soil,  The  whole  town 
contains  near  3000  souls  &  that  part  near  the  harbor  is  populous  & 
shews  several  hundred  houses,  mostly  in  good  repair.  Lodged  at 
General  Warren's.  Mr.  Davis  made  me  a  visit  &  engaged  me  to  break 
fast. 

ii  June.  Breakfasted  with  Mr.  Davis.  Set  out  for  home.  My  horse 
so  tired  that  he  can  only  walk.  In  two  hours  got  to  Kingstons  only 
four  miles.  At  half  past  two  reached  Loring's  in  Pembroke  only  9^ 
miles  from  Plim°.  He  let  me  have  a  poor  horse  to  relieve  mine  as  I 
had  been  obliged  to  walk  four  miles.  This  relief  costs  4  dollars  in  the 
whole  including  the  return  of  the  horse.  Travelled  to  Cushing's  in 
Hingham  after  dinner,  &  put  up  there  for  the  night. 


MARTHA  WASHINGTON. 


Martha  Washington  to 
To 


Philadelphia  January  the  2Qth  1790 

Dear  Madam 

I  must  trust  to  your  goodness  to  receive  the  apology  I  shall  offer 
for  this  late  acknowledgement  of  your  letter  of  the  26th  of  October,  — 
I  received  it  but  a  few  days  before  I  left  Mount  Vernon,  and  you  will 
readily  conceive  that  my  time  and  mind  were  so  fully  occupied  with 
and  about  my  friends  there  as  to  afford  me  little  opportunity  for 
writing;  and  since  my  arrived  in  this  place  the  business  of  settling 
in  a  new  habitation  returning  visits  have  left  me  no  time  for  my  selt 
while  in  health ;  and  for  some  weeks  past  a  very  severe  cold  has  ren 
dered  me  incapable  of  doing  any  thing  —  I  am  thank  God  now  recov 
ering. 

Having  offered  the  reason  for  this  delay  in  answering  your  letter 
permit  me  madam  to  congratulate  you  upon  your  safe  arrival  in  your 
native  country  and  to  the  arms  of  your  friends,  none  but  those  that 
have  been  as  long  absent  as  you  have,  and  at  so  great  a  distance  from 
their  friends  can  conceive  of  the  sensations  which  are  experienced 
upon  meeting  them  again ;  I  dare  say  your  feelings  on  that  occasion 
were  not  to  be  described  —  and  that  you  returned  from  Europe  with 
all  your  prejudices  in  favor  of  America  I  have  no  doubt;  for  I  think 
our  country  affords  every  thing  that  can  give  pleasure  or  satisfaction 
to  a  rational  mind,  and  I  never  apprehended  that  your  good  sense 
would  be  so  far  overcome  by  the  splendour  and  hurry  [luxury?]  which 
you  might  see  abroad  as  to  make  a  return  to  your  native  country  un 
pleasant.  — 

I  beg  you  will  be  assured  that  I  have  a  greatfull  sence  of  the 
affectionate  terms  in  which  you  express  your  regret  at  not  finding 
us  in  New  York  —  I  have  been  so  long  accustomed  to  conform  to 
events  which  are  governed  by  the  public  voice  that  I  hardly  dare 
indulge  any  personal  wishes  which  cannot  yield  to  that  —  But  wher 
ever  I  may  be  my  friends  may  always  rely  upon  a  greateful  and  affec 
tionate  remembrance ;  and  and  altho  I  will  not  give  up  the  expectation 
of  seeing  you  again ;  yet  in  any  event  you  will  be  remembered  with 
friend  ship  and  will  have  my  best  wishes. 


I  beg  you  will  present  my  kind  regards  to  your  mother  and  sis 
ters  —  The  President  unites  with  me  in  congratulation  on  your  return 
and  presents  his  complements  to  you  — 

with  very  great  regard 
I  have  the  honor  to  be 
Dr  Madam  your 

most  obd't  &  Hbe 
M  Washington  1 


Martha  Washington  to  Mrs.  Richard  Montgomery. 

Mount  Vernon    April  5th  1800 

My  Dear  Madam 

I  have  received  with  deep  sensability  your  sympathizing  letter 
of  the  ioth  of  March  -  To  those  only  who  have  experienced  losses 
like  ours  can  our  distresses  be  known  —  words  are  inadequate  to  con 
vey  an  idea  of  them  —  and  the  silent  sympathy  of  Friends  who  have 
felt  the  like  dispensation  speak  a  language  better  known  to  the  heart 
than  the  most  expressive  eloquence  can  communicate  —  your  afflic 
tion  I  have  often  marked  and  as  often  have  I  keenly  felt  for  you  but 
my  own  experience  has  taught  me  that  griefs  like  these  cannot  be 
removed  by  the  condolence  of  friends  however  sincear  —  If  the  ming 
ling  tears  of  numerous  friends  —  if  the  sympathy  of  a  nation  and  every 
testimony  of  respect  and  veneration  paid  to  the  memory  of  the  part 
ners  of  our  hearts  could  afford  consolation  you  and  myself  would  ex 
perience  it  in  the  highest  degree  but  we  know  that  there  is  but  one 
source  from  whence  comfort  can  be  derived  under  afflictions  like 
ours  -  To  this  we  must  look  with  pious  resignation  and  with  that 
pure  confidence  which  our  holy  religion  inspires. 

I  pray  you  to  offer  my  best  wishes  to  your  good  mother  and  as 
sure  her  of  my  affectionate  remembrance  —  That  we  shall  not  meet 
again  in  this  world  is  almost  certain  but  as  you  justly  observe  it  is 
certainly  a  consolation  and  flattering  to  poor  mortality  to  believe  that 
we  shall  meet  here  after  in  a  better  place. 

With  sincear  thanks  for  your  good  wishes  and  prayers  for  your 
happyness  I  remain 

My  Dear  Madam  yours 
sincearly 

Martha  Washington. 

1  From  the  Barton  Collection. 


JAMES  MADISON. 


The  First  United  States  Bank. 
Draft  of  a  Message  to  Congress,  submitted  to  President  Washington. 

Feby  21.  1791.  Copy  of  a  paper  made  out  &  sent  to  the  President 
at  his  request  to  be  ready  in  case  his  judgment  should  finally  decide 
agst  the  Bill  for  incorporating  a  National  Bank,  the  Bill  being  then 
before  him. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate 

Having  carefully  examined  and  maturely  considered  the  Bill  en 
titled  "An  Act 

I  am  compelled  by  the  conviction  of  my  judgment  and  the  duty  of  my 
Station  to  return  the  Bill  to  the  House  in  which  it  originated  with  the 
following  objections : 

(if  to  the  Constitutionality) 

I  object  to  the  Bill  because  it  is  an  essential  principle  of  the  Gov 
ernment  that  powers  not  delegated  by  the  Constitution  cannot  be 
rightfully  exercised;  because  the  power  proposed  by  the  Bill  to 
be  exercised  is  not  expressly  delegated ;  and  because  I  cannot 
satisfy  myself  that  it  results  from  any  express  power  by  fair  and 
safe  rules  of  implication. 

(if  to  the  merits  alone  or  in  addition) 

I  object  to  the  Bill  because  it  appears  to  be  unequal  between  the 
public  and  the  Institution  in  favor  of  the  institution ;  imposing 
no  conditions  on  the  latter  equivalent  to  the  stipulations  assumed 
by  the  former,  [quer.  if  this  lie  within  the  intimation  of  the 
President] 

I  object  to  the  Bill  because  it  is  in  all  cases  the  duty  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  dispense  its  benefits  to  individuals  with  as  impartial 
a  hand  as  the  public  interest  will  permit ;  and  the  Bill  is  in  this 
respect  unequal  to  individuals  holding  different  denominations  of 
public  Stock  and  willing  to  become  subscribers.  This  objection 
lies  with  particular  force  against  the  early  day  appointed  for  open 
ing  subscriptions,  which  if  these  should  be  filled  as  quickly  as 
may  happen,  amounts  to  an  exclusion  of  those  remote  from  the 
Government,  in  favor  of  those  near  enough  to  take  advantage  of 
the  opportunity.1 

[James  Madison] 
1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.7.37]. 


73 


James  Madison  to  General  Horatio  Gates. 

Philada.  Mar.  24.  1794 
Dear  Sir 

Your  favor  of  the  13th  has  lain  by  me  unanswered  till  I  could  give 
you  the  result  of  a  proposition  for  an  Embargo  discussed  for  several 
days  with  shut  doors.  The  decision  did  not  take  place  till  friday  after 
noon.  The  measure  was  then  negatived  by  48  agst.  46  votes.  Those 
who  took  the  lead  in  opposing  it  are  now  for  transferring  the  power 
to  the  Executive  even  during  the  Session  of  Congress. 

You  will  find  in  the  newspapers  the  havoc  made  on  our  trade  in 
the  W.  Indies.  Every  day  adds  new  proofs  of  the  ill  will  and  con 
tempt  of  G.  B.  towards  us.  Still  I  do  not  concur  with  those  who  see 
in  these  proceedings  a  design  to  make  war  in  form.  If  she  can  destroy 
the  branches  of  our  commerce  which  are  beneficial  to  her  enemies, 
and  continue  to  enjoy  those  which  are  beneficial  to  herself,  things  are 
in  the  best  possible  arrangement  for  her.  War  would  turn  the  arrange 
ment  agst.  her  by  breaking  up  the  trade  with  her,  and  forcing  that  with 
her  enemies.  I  conclude  therefore  that  she  will  push  her  aggressions 
just  so  far  and  no  farther,  than  she  imagines  we  will  tolerate.  I  con 
clude  also  that  the  readiest  expedient  for  stopping  her  career  of  depre 
dation  on  those  parts  of  our  trade  which  thwart  her  plans,  will  be  to 
make  her  feel  for  those  which  she  cannot  do  without. 

I  have  nothing  to  add  to  the  newspaper  details  with  respect  to 
events  in  Europe.  The  campaign  seems  to  have  closed  as  trium 
phantly  for  the  French  Republic  as  the  fears  of  its  enemies  could  have 
foreboded.  If  that  in  the  W.  Indies  should  not  exhibit  a  reverse  of 
fortune,  the  public  attention  may  possibly  be  called  off  from  the 
French  to  "the  British  Revolution,"  you  may  then  renew  your  pro 
phetic  wishes  which  have  created  a  millenium  under  the  auspices  of 
the  three  great  Republics. 

I  have  forwarded  your  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  Present  my  best 
respects  to  your  very  amiable  lady,  and  accept  the  affectionate  esteem 
with  which  I  remain  Dr  Sir 

Yr  obed'.  friend  &  serv1. 

Js.  Madison  Jr 

P.  S.  The  enclosed  letter  to  Mr  William  Morris  son  of  the  General 
is  on  business  somewhat  interesting  to  me.  It  was  to  have  been 
handed  to  him  yesterday,  but  he  set  out  for  N.  York  sooner  than  was 
expected.  Will  you  oblige  me  so  far  as  to  have  him  enquired  for,  & 
the  letter  delivered  to  him?  * 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.7.27]. 


74 


James  Madison  to  James  L.  Cathcart. 

Department  of  State, 

April  i8th  1802 
Sir, 

In  a  letter  with  which  Cap*.  Sterrett  was  lately  charged  for  you 
and  of  which  a  duplicate  has  been  since  forwarded,  it  was  intimated 
that  your  services  might  be  called  for,  and  that  it  would  be  advisable 
for  you  to  be  prepared  to  embark  at  a  short  notice.  I  hope  that  this 
letter  will  have  reached  you,  and  have  had  its  effect.  The  disposition 
to  peace  expressed  by  the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli,  on  the  appearance  of 
Commodore  Dale  before  that  place,  with  the  impression  which  it  is 
hoped  has  been  made  on  him  by  the  course  and  circumstances  of  the 
War,  have  led  the  President  to  conclude  that  the  time  is  come  when 
negotiations  may  advantageously  take  place.  In  order  to  make  them 
more  efficacious  it  is  intended  that  the  whole  of  our  naval  force  des 
tined  for  the  mediterranean  under  the  command  of  Cap1.  Morris, 
should  rendezvous  before  Tripoli;  and  the  Adams  frigate  being  the 
last  that  is  to  sail  for  that  purpose,  Cap1.  Campbell  will  be  the  bearer 
of  this  dispatch. 

The  President  confiding  in  your  capacity,  experience  and  faithful 
regard  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  has  thought  proper  that 
you  should  accompany  this  expedition,  and  be  charged  with  the  nego 
tiation,  which  is  to  be  combined  with  it.  You  are  accordingly  in 
structed  to  embark  and  attend  under  such  arrangements  as  Cap1. 
Morris  shall  provide,  and  to  proceed,  as  circumstances  may  invite,  to 
the  execution  of  the  trust.  As  it  is  evidently  desirable  that  the  first 
overtures  should  come  from  the  Bashaw,  you  will  wait  a  reasonable 
time  for  the  effect  of  his  disposition  on  this  subject,  or  of  the  awe 
inspired  by  a  display  of  our  forces  before  his  eyes  and  his  capital. 
Should  no  advances  be  made  on  his  part,  you  may  open  a  communi 
cation  by  referring  to  the  wish  heretofore  expressed  by  the  Bashaw, 
than  an  accomodation  of  differences  might  be  brought  about ;  and  by 
observing  that  the  President  on  being  informed  of  it,  had  instructed 
you  to  let  him  know  that  notwithstanding  the  causeless  and  provok 
ing  declaration  of  war;  and  the  force  which  is  prepared  and  preparing 
by  the  United  States  to  carry  it  on  with  full  effect;  yet  from  a  love 
of  peace  in  the  United  States,  they  are  willing  to  receive  him  into 
friendship  on  the  proper  terms,  which  he  may  be  told  will  include 
some  indemnification  for  the  expense  which  he  has  occasioned  to  the 
United  States.  This  is  a  condition,  however,  which  if  not  likely  to  be 
yielded,  need  not  be  pressed  farther  than  will  shew  the  high  ground 
taken  in  the  negotiation,  and  than  will  consist  with  a  dignified  release 
of  the  demand.  But  you  are  in  the  most  peremtory  manner  to  stifle 


75 


every  pretension  or  expectation  that  the  United  States  will  on  their 
side  make  the  smallest  contribution  to  him  as  the  price  of  peace.  To 
buy  peace  of  Tripoli,  is  to  bid  for  war  with  Tunis ;  which  having  now 
received  all  the  tributes  due  to  her,  would  immediately  look  to  war,  as 
the  expedient  for  renewing  them. 

In  case  a  satisfactory  disposition  for  peace  should  be  manifested, 
you  may  proceed  to  arrange  a  Treaty,  subject  to  the  approbation  of 
the  President,  and  to  the  constitutional  sanction.  The  Treaty  of  the 
4th  Novr.  1796  of  which  a  copy  is  herewith  sent,  and  may  also  be  found 
in  the  laws  of  the  U.  States  Vol.  4  p  44,  may  be  taken  for  the  basis 
and  the  body  of  it.  You  will  omit  however  so  much  of  the  first  article 
as  makes  Algiers  the  guaranty,  and  of  the  last  as  makes  the  Dey  the 
Arbiter  and  expositor  of  the  Treaty ;  it  being  understood  that  a  stipu 
lation  of  this  sort  gives  to  that  Regency  an  embarrassing  connection 
with  our  affairs  at  Tripoli,  and  by  wounding  the  pride  of  the  Bashaw 
of  the  latter,  adds  the  force  of  another  passion  to  that  of  cupidity,  in 
slighting  his  engagements.  At  the  same  time  umbrage  to  Algiers 
ought  to  be  avoided,  by  letting  this  change  in  the  Treaty  with  Tripoli, 
be  the  act  of  the  Bashaw,  rather  than  of  the  United  States,  and  be 
made  so  to  appear  to  the  Dey.  No  other  part  of  the  Treaty  seems  to 
be  objectionable.  But  if  there  be  any  other  which  has  been  found 
inconvenient  you  are  at  liberty  to  omit  it.  As  your  residence  and 
experience  may  have  suggested  also  regulations  which  did  not  occur 
when  the  late  Treaty  was  formed,  but  which  may  be  useful  in  pre 
venting  impositions  or  disputes,  the  defects  may  be  supplied.  It  seems 
particularly  proper  that  the  forceable  use  of  american  vessels  by  the 
Bashaw  or  his  subjects,  and  the  liability  of  the  United  States  for  the 
property  of  Tripoli,  taken  out  of  American  vessels  by  the  enemies  of 
Tripoli  shall  be  guarded  against. 

The  good  disposition  which  Sweden  has  shewn  to  unite  her 
measures  with  those  of  the  U.  States,  for  controuling  the  predatory 
habits  of  the  Barbary  powers,  and  particularly  for  bringing  Tripoli  to 
proper  terms  of  peace,  requires  that  in  the  negotiations  for  the  latter 
purpose,  there  should  be  some  understanding  with  her  officers  and 
Agents,  if  they  are  so  disposed ;  and  that  the  negotiations  should  even 
go  on  hand  in  hand,  if  their  objects  and  arrangements  be  favourable 
to  the  plan;  keeping  however  the  Treaties  which  may  result,  as  ab 
solutely  unconnected  and  independent  both  in  the  view  of  the  Bashaw 
and  of  Sweden,  as  if  formed  without  the  least  understanding  between 
the  U.  S.  &  Sweden.  A  joint  appeal  to  the  fears  and  interests  of  the 
Bashaw,  by  extinguishing  the  hope  of  dividing  his  enemies,  will  drive 
him  to  better  terms  with  both.  In  any  course  of  things  it  is  desirable 
that  you  should  avoid  the  appearance  of  turning  the  War  of  Sweden 
to  any  unfair  advantage  of  the  United  States  in  making  peace  for 
themselves ;  a  policy  of  such  evil  tendency  in  every  respect,  that  noth 
ing  could  advise  it,  but  a  discovery  that  Sweden  was  playing  such  a 
game  against  us. 


It  is  expected  by  the  President  that  you  will  cultivate  the  best 
understanding  with  Cap*.  Morris  the  commander  of  the  Squadron; 
and  that  you  will  communicate  with  him  with  confidence  and  frank 
ness  in  the  conduct  of  your  negotiations. 

Should  peace  be  established  you  will  make  with  the  Bashaw  the 
arrangements  for  his  receiving  an  American  Consul  as  soon  as  one 
shall  be  provided.  But  you  will  have  it  understood  that  as  the  Con 
sulate  was  interrupted  so  unjustifiably  by  himself,  the  reestablishment 
of  it  will  give  no  title,  even  in  point  of  usage,  to  presents  of  any  sort. 
Should  it  be  deemed  expedient  to  send  any  little  gratification  along 
with  a  Consul,  it  will  in  that  case  have  the  advantage  of  being  unex 
pected  by  the  Bashaw,  and  the  merit  of  proceeding  from  generosity 
and  good  will.  Until  a  Consul  shall  be  provided,  you  cannot  do  better 
than  engage  a  continuance  of  the  good  offices  of  Mr.  Nissen,  if  he 
retains  the  confidence  hitherto  put  in  him.  The  President  is  sensible 
of  his  past  services  to  this  Country,  and  wishing  him  to  have  some 
recompence  for  them,  will  be  glad  of  any  explanations  you  can  give 
as  to  the  form  and  amount  of  a  proper  one.  It  will  be  best  that  no 
particular  expectation  on  this  head  should  be  raised  in  Mr  Nissen ;  but 
you  may  let  him  know  generally,  that  his  friendly  care  of  the  affairs 
of  the  U.  States  has  attracted  the  favourable  attention  of  the  President. 

The  Commission  herewith  transmitted  will  inform  you  that  the 
future  destination  given  you,  is  to  the  Consulate  at  Algiers,  which 
will  be  opened  for  you  by  the  resignation  of  Mr  O  Brian,  and  the  per 
mission  given  him  to  retire  on  your  arrival.  The  President  having 
thought  proper  to  discontinue  the  superintendance  of  that  Consulate 
over  others,  your  duties  will  be  reduced  accordingly,  and  therewith 
the  salary  to  the  standard  of  $2000.  per  annum.  It  being  the  Wish 
of  the  President  to  discourage  on  all  occasions  the  venal  and  expensive 
customs  with  which  Barbary  now  taxes  the  intercourse  with  civilized 
nations,  it  will  be  an  agreeable  circumstance  if  you  can  make  your 
self  the  Successor  of  Mr  O  Brian,  without  the  presents  exacted  from 
new  Consuls.  The  attempt  however  must  not  risk  the  good  under 
standing  with  that  Regency.  And  if  you  deem  the  chance  of  success 
so  slender  as  to  require  that  you  should  go  prepared  to  meet  the  de 
mand,  it  may  be  most  convenient  for  you  to  return  from  Tripoli  to 
Leghorn,  in  order  to  provide  the  articles  to  be  presented.  For  this 
purpose  it  is  meant  to  lodge  a  fund  there  in  due  time.  Were  the  Dey 
willing  to  accept  in  cash  the  value  of  the  customary  presents,  the 
change  would  coincide  with  the  general  wish  to  simplify  all  our  en 
gagements  in  Barbary  into  a  pecuniary  form. 

I  am  with  consideration 
Sir, 

your  most  Ob*  Ser. 
James  Madison. 
James  L.  Cathcart  Esq.1 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.y.sg]. 

77 


WILLIAM  COCKE. 

William  Cocke  to  Governor  Sevier. 

Mulbery  Grove  25  June  1796 

Dear  Sir 

I  Wrote  you  from  Colo  Kings  Iron  works  &  inclosed  you  a  letter 
from  my  Coleague  Mr  Blount,  but  Supposing  that  it  is  possable  you 
may  be  at  Knoxville  I  have  Sent  you  inclosed  the  proceedings  relative 
to  the  State  of  Tennessee  &  Mr  Roulstone  has  the  report  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  for  publication  respecting  your  Campaign  I  have  no 
doubt  but  we  shall  be  able  to  have  that  expedition  paid  you  must  see 
that  it  is  absolutely  nessessary  to  Call  the  Assembly  Immediate  to 
Alter  the  Law  for  appointing  two  representatives  &  to  have  Our 
Senators  reelected  &  Our  electors  again  appointed  to  elect  a  president 
I  think  we  are  able  to  give  alone  to  the  politicks  of  the  Union  for  I 
take  it  that  Our  Votes  in  Senate  will  be  able  to  deside  in  favour  of  the 
eastern  or  Southern  politicks  I  thank  you  most  Sincearly  for  the 
repeated  and  use  full  information  you  gave  me  while  I  was  in  Phila 
delphia  &  beleave  me  to  be  your  real  friend 

Wm  Cocke  1 


JOHN  ADAMS 
AND  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 


John  Quincy  Adams  to  William  Plumer. 

Honble.  William  Plumer.  President  of  the 
Senate  of  New  Hampshire  —  Epping 

S*.  Petersburg  6.  October  1810. 

My  dear  Sir. 

I  received  with  the  greatest  pleasure  a  few  days  since  your  favor 
of  the  i8th  of  May  which  is  one  of  the  latest  that  I  have  received  from 
America  —  Although  a  great  number  of  vessels  have  arrived  in  the 
Russian  Ports  from  the  United  States  this  Summer,  my  friends  in 
America  appear  not  to  have  been  aware  of  the  frequent  opportunities 
which  occurred,  of  writing  by  them  —  We  have  been  tolerably  well 
supplied  with  newspapers;  but  excepting  your  obliging  letter,  one  or 
two  from  Dr.  Mitchell  of  New  York,  and  as  many  from  Mr.  Jos :  Hall 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham. C. 8. 19]. 

78 


of  Boston,  I  have  scarcely  received  a  line  from  private  sources,  out  of 
my  own  family  since  I  left  home  —  I  ask  therefore  with  earnestness 
the  continuance  of  your  favours,  which  will  be  transmitted  by  the 
Secretary  of  State,  or  by  Mr.  Gray  if  you  will  enclose  them  to  him. 

The  issue  of  the  late  New  England  Elections  had  been  indicated 
to  us  early  in  the  Spring  by  the  example  of  New  Hampshire  taking  the 
lead  of  recovery  from  a  delusion  which  for  the  two  preceding  years 
had  given  me  great  anxiety  and  apprehension  —  The  infatuation  of 
that  political  party  in  our  Country,  with  whom  you  and  I  had  hereto 
fore  generally  been  accustomed  to  act  and  think  —  their  degeneracy 
from  the  just  and  honourable  principles,  which  alone  could  ever  have 
attached  us  to  them  --  the  glaring  absurdity  and  hypocrisy  of  their 
professed  veneration  for  the  policy  of  Washington,  while  they  were 
aiming  a  fatal  blow  at  the  Union,  the  great  foundation  of  his  political 
system,  and  while  they  were  openly  using  for  their  purpose  all  the 
means  which  he  had  most  solemnly  deprecated,  their  blind  and  stupid 
servility  to  a  British  Ministry  which  was  heaping  insult  upon  outrage 
on  their  Country,  —  the  profligacy  with  which  they  were  endeavouring 
to  make  Religion  an  engine  of  faction,  by  the  mountebank  trick  of 
their  solemn  fasts,  and  by  goading  into  the  pulpit,  every  ignorant 
priestly  fanatic  that  they  could  employ  as  a  tool  to  pollute  with  the 
filth  of  personal  malice  and  detraction  the  sacred  desk  of  God  —  these 
were  appearances  and  practices  which  I  had  witnessed  for  two  years, 
accompanied  with  so  much  success,  and  against  which  I  had  during 
great  part  of  the  time  seemed  so  ineffectually  to  have  struggled,  that 
the  great  changes  of  public  sentiment  manifested  by  the  Elections  of 
this  year  throughout  New  England  was  accomplished  earlier  than  I 
had  expected —  The  violence  of  the  last  Winter's  Massachusetts  and 
New  York  Jacksonite  Resolutions  so  congenial  with  measures  of  the 
former  Winter  Sessions,  which  had  been  countenanced  by  intervening 
popular  elections,  had  led  me  to  believe,  that  the  public  nerves  were 
still  in  a  disordered  state,  and  still  mistaking  the  cause  of  their  own 
disease  —  Though  long  experience  had  taught  me,  what  you  and  I 
have  often  remarked  together,  how  unskilful  the  federalists  were  in 
their  attempts  to  adapt  their  measures  to  the  state  of  the  public  pulse, 
yet  as  unlucky  contingencies  had  thrown  into  their  hands  a  majority, 
which  two  years  of  madness  had  not  sufficed  for  them  to  lose,  I  did 
suppose  that  they  would  not  have  disgraced  themselves  by  such  base 
prostrations  before  the  insolence  of  a  foreign  emisary,  and  such  shame 
less  inveteracy  against  their  own  Government,  without  being  very 
sure  that  the  agitated  feelings  of  the  People,  at  least  in  New  England, 
still  went  along  with  them.  —  I  was  therefore  most  agreeably  dis 
appointed  in  the  issue  of  the  Elections  —  It  has  given  me  the  cheering 
hope  of  internal  tranquility  in  our  Country,  and  of  permanency  to  the 
Union,  which  for  the  two  preceding  years  was  certainly  in  the  most 
imminent  danger. 

You  tell  me  that  I  am  often  and  much  reviled  in  certain  news 
papers  ;  and  that  the  clumsy  animals  who  still  earn  their  sop  by  howl- 

79 


itig  at  me,  have  not  yet  instinct  enough  to  forbear  coupling  your  name 
with  mine  in  their  yell  of  slander  —  As  you  are  a  historian  I  can  give 
you  a  historical  thread  to  consider  and  meditate  upon  at  leisure  —  In 
the  month  of  July  1787  was  published  in  the  Boston  Centinel,  I  believe 
the  first  piece  of  abuse,  of  which  I  ever  had  the  honour  to  be  the  object, 
in  a  newspaper  —  And  what  think  you  was  the  occasion  of  this  attack  ? 
It  was  because,  on  taking  my  first  degree  at  Harvard  College,  I  had 
delivered  at  Commencement  an  Oration,  which  happened  to  suit  the 
public  taste,  and  had  obtained  marks  of  approbation  beyond  the  usual 
average  —  In  the  form  of  a  critique  upon  the  performances  at  Com 
mencement  a  shaft  dip'd  in  venom  was  hurled  at  me,  on  my  first  ap 
pearance  before  the  public  view  of  my  Country  —  The  author  of  this 
Critique  was  a  person  who  had  himself  been  a  much  admired  Com 
mencement  Orator,  but  who  thought  it  advisable  to  balance  the  par 
tialities  of  public  indulgence  in  my  favour,  by  casting  the  heaviest  of 
his  weights  into  the  opposite  scales  —  The  public  did  not  sympathize 
with  his  criticism,  nor  did  he  ever  think  proper  to  avow  it  -  The 
editor  of  the  Centinel  was  allowed  and  took  it  upon  him  to  father  a 
production  the  features  of  which  too  loudly  disclaimed  the  descent 
from  him ;  as  the  Duke  of  Orleans  when  he  took  the  name  of  Philip 
Egalite,  only  stigmatized  his  mother,  by  pretending  to  be  the  son  of  a 
Coachman. 

I  will  not  fatigue  you  with  a  tiresome  detail  of  subsequent  occur 
rences  derived  from  this  one  —  It  may  suffice  to  say  that  this  anec 
dote  will  give  you  the  key  to  all  the  ribaldry  which  from  that  day  to 
this  has  appeared  in  the  Centinel,  pointed  at  me  —  The  temper  which 
first  dictated  that  effusion  has  sometimes  been  suppressed,  but  never 
subdued ;  and  I  have  too  long  known  the  general  character  of  human 
nature  &  the  particular  hearts  of  the  individuals,  to  expect  that  it  will 
ever  be  appeased  —  •  The  two  years  which  preceded  my  departure  from 
America  had  furnished  ample  materials  for  the  exercise  of  that  tem 
per  -  -  But  they  had  brought  my  own  temper  to  the  trial  of  a  higher 
test  —  By  adhering  to  my  principles  I  had  been  deserted  and  sacri 
ficed  by  my  friends  —  I  knew  that  the  ground  I  had  taken  was  not  to 
be  shaken  under  me,  by  friend  or  foe  —  But  the  example  of  such  men 
as  yourself  and  Mr  Gray,  gave  a  countenance  and  sanction  to  my  con- 
duct  which  at  the  most  critical  moments  gave  me  the  greatest  satis 
faction,  and  made  me  take  a  pride,  instead  of  feeling  pain  at  the  over 
flowings  of  malice  and  envy  which  were  so  copiously  streaming  down 
upon  me  -  •  Hatred  has  a  keen  eye;  but  its  feelings  impose  upon  its 
vision  —  They  whose  purpose  it  is  to  blacken  me,  could  not  more 
effectually  defeat  their  own  object,  than  by  shedding  a  portion  of  the 
same  invective  upon  you  — 

I  now  please  myself  with  the  hope,  that  you  and  your  associates 
in  our  public  affairs,  will  now  preserve  by  moderation  and  wisdom  the 
ascendancy  which  you  have  obtained  —  But  if  our  Country  has  ex 
hibited  a  new  example  of  the  instability  of  popular  sentiments  —  the 

80 


giddy  habitation  of  the  vulgar  heart,  it  has  still  more  forcibly  proved 
to  me  the  difficulty  as  well  as  the  duty,  of  maintaining  ones  self  free 
from  the  shackles  of  dependence  upon  any  party  —  And  yet  as  the 
Government  of  a  State  and  still  more  that  of  the  Nation  must  consist 
of  a  systematic  combination  of  measures  it  is  certainly  necessary  and 
even  indispensable  that  individual  members  of  a  party  should  on  most 
occasions,  perhaps  on  all,  sacrifice  their  individual  opinions  to  those 
of  the  majority,  whenever  this  acquiescence  does  not  involve  a  derelic 
tion  of  principle. 

It  was  natural  enough  that  the  ardent  spirits,  who  felt  indignant 
at  the  outrages  still  continued  of  Britain  and  France  upon  our  Com 
merce  should  be  disatisfied  at  the  issue  of  the  last  Session  of  Con 
gress  —  But  you  who  consider  things  coolly,  have  very  justly  judged 
that  the  measures  adopted  were  far  better  than  others  which  indicat 
ing  more  resentment  might  not  have  had  more  real  energy  —  The 
Non-Intercourse,  ineffectual,  as  a  weapon,  to  hurt  either  of  the  of 
fenders,  had  operated  only  to  exasperate  both  —  Its  repeal  has  at 
least  been  taken  by  both  in  good  part,  and  has  been  followed  by  cor 
responding  relaxations  on  their  side  —  France  indeed  has  availed 
herself  of  it  with  the  most  address,  by  seizing  upon  the  occasion  to 
abandon  the  whole  system  of  anti-neutrality  if  England  will  do  the 
same  —  England  will  not  give  it  up  entirely ;  but  will  probably  yield 
to  some  further  modifications,  which  may  leave  an  extensive  and  pro 
fitable  field  open  to  neutral  trade  —  We  have  escaped,  providentially 
escaped  the  scourge  of  War  with  either  of  them,  and  you  may  be 
assured  that  in  the  estimation  of  all  Europe,  our  national  character  is 
continually  rising  in  the  scale  of  power,  and  of  moderation,  and  wis 
dom,  without  losing  any  in  that  of  genuine  spirit. 

The  politics  of  Europe  are  still  extremely  complicated,  and  the 
prospects  of  the  future  are  gloomy  —  The  new  relations  between 
France  and  Austria  are  not  yet  fully  unfolded  to  the  world  —  Their 
harmony  with  Russia  is  yet  uninterrupted,  though  Circumstances  have 
occurr'd  which  might  occasion  a  coolness  between  them  —  Russia 
is  now  carrying  her  victorious  arms  into  the  heart  of  Turkey,  but  her 
exhausted  finances  are  clamorous  for  Peace  —  The  object  on  my 
Mission  has  I  believe  hitherto  been  completely  accomplished  —  But 
you  cunning  politicians  who  knew  so  well,  and  told  the  People  so 
positively  what  that  object  was,  like  M'Fingal  "saw  what  was  not  to 
be  seen"  —  If  you  will  compare  the  conduct  of  Russia  towards 
American  Commerce,  with  that  of  all  her  neighbours,  not  even  except 
ing  Sweden,  you  will  easily  perceive  the  object  of  my  mission  and 
thus  far,  its  success. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  regard,  My  dear  Sir,  your 
friend  &  humble  Serv*. 

John  Quincy  Adams.1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.78.2]. 

81 


John  Adams  to  William  Plumer. 

Quincy,  December  16  1812 
Dear  Sir 

I  thank  you  for  your  eloquent  and  masterly  speech  which  I  read 
with  much  Satisfaction. 

There  appears  neverthelefs,  by  the  late  Elections,  to  be  a  great 
change  in  the  Sentiments  of  all  the  five  States  of  New  England,  of 
New  York  and  New  Jersey ;  to  go  no  further,  which  I  am  not  able  to 
explain. 

Has  it  been  produced  by  difsatisfaction  with  the  Principle  of 
the  War? 

By  disgust  at  the  conduct  of  the  War? 

By  a  disapprobation  of  the  opposition  to  an  augmentation  of  the 
Naval  Establishment?  Hull,  Jones  and  Decatur  have  done  great 
things.  They  have  made  an  Epoch  in  the  History  of  the  World. 

By  a  resentment  of  the  long  Continuance  of  a  disproportionate 
Superiority  of  Power  in  the  State  of  Virginia? 

By  an  Aversion  to  the  Invasion  of  Canada? 

By  a  terror  of  the  Taxes  that  are  expected  ? 

Or  By  the  ordinary  Inconstancy  of  the  People,  so  frequently  im 
patient  for  Changes? 

Though  I  know  little  of  the  real  Character  of  Mr  Madisons  Com 
petitor,  he  can  have  no  Pretentions  to  equal  Experience  or  Learning: 
and  great  Changes  in  such  critical  times  are  very  dangerous. 

If  you  can  find  leisure  to  give  me  a  few  hints  upon  these  subjects, 
you  will  much  oblige  your  Friend 

John  Adams. 
His  Excellency 

Governor  Plumer.1 

John  Adams  to  William  Plumer. 

Decr.  4.  1814 
Dear  Sir 

Chicanery  has  been  so  often  concerted  in  nocturnal  caucufses  in 
this  Country  by  both  parties,  that  there  is  nothing  very  novel,  how 
ever  surprising  and  disgusting  it  ought  to  be,  in  the  corrupt  Election 
of  one  of  your  Councillors.  A  fortunate  Scruple  of  Conscience  which 
finally  turned  the  Majority  in  favour  of  him  whose  right  it  was,  may 
have  important  Consequences.  Many  a  Nation  has  been  saved  and 
many  destroyed  by  such  small  causes. 

My  Friend  for  forty  years  and  the  Friend  of  his  Country  for 
Seventy,  is  gone  to  relate  to  his  Co-patriots  who  have  gone  before  him, 
the  degeneracy  of  the  Nation  they  formed.  And  the  time  cannot  be 
long  before  I  who  am  now  left  alone  shall  follow  him  to  carry  informa 
tion  still  more  humiliating.  Mr  Gerry  was  the  oldest  Statesman  in 
America  except  Governor  Mackean  of  Pensylvania. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.y.s]. 

82 


The  Convention  at  Hartford  is  to  resemble  the  Congress  at 
Vienna;  at  least  as  much  as  Ignis  fatuus  resembles  a  Vulcano. 
Already  We  are  informed  that  Mr  Randolph  and  Mr  Harper  are  at 
New  York  on  their  Way  to  the  grand  Caucus.  The  Delegates  from 
your  Chester  will  meet  Philosophers  Divines  Lawyers  Physicians 
Merchants  Farmers,  fine  Ladies,  Pedlars  and  Beggars,  from  various 
parts  of  the  World  not  excepting  Vermont,  or  Canada,  as  well  as  the 
legislative  Sages  from  Massachusetts  Connecticutt  and  Rhode  Island. 
You  see,  I  cannot  write  soberly  upon  this  Subject.  It  is  ineffably 
ridiculous.  As  an  Electioneering,  a  canvafsing,  or  more  exprefsively, 
a  Parliamenteering  Intrigue  it  is  a  cunning  device,  but  even  in  this 
View  it  is  the  Cunning  of  the  Ostritch. 

Do  you  mean  to  declare  New  England  Neutral?  New  England 
Neutrality  has  been  the  Cause  of  the  War.  New  England  Canvass, 
New  England  Seamen,  have  excited  British  Jealousy  and  allarmed 
British  Fears.  Britain  had  rather  Spain,  France  Holland  or  Russia 
should  be  neutral,  than  New  England.  Britain  dreads  a  Neutral  more 
than  a  belligerent,  Canvass  and  Seamen  are  the  Ennemies  that 
Britain  fears  more  than  all  the  Armies  of  Europe. 

Do  you  mean  to  erect  New  England  into  an  independent  Power? 

Let  me  See  !  New  England  is  a  Nation,  a  Souvereign,  a  Power,  at 
War  with  Nova  Scotia,  Canada,  fourteen  States  to  the  Southward  and 
Westward  of  her,  and  Great  Britain  at  the  same  time.  This  new 
State  which  has  taken  its  equal  Station  among  the  Nations  of  the 
Earth,  Sends  Ambassadors  to  London  and  to  Washington  to  make 
Peace  and  Solicit  Neutrality.  What  will  be  their  reception?  Will 
they  make  their  publick  Entry  like  Venetian  Ambassadors?  Their 
Ambassadors  are  received  at  St.  James's  or  Carlton  House.  They 
demand  Neutrality.  "What  do  you  mean  by  Neutrality?  Says  the 
Minister?  Do  you  mean  to  fish  and  carry  your  Fish  to  France,  Spain 
Portugal  and  Italy  and  to  the  French  Spanish  Dutch  Danish  Sweedish 
and  English  Islands  in  the  West  Indies?  Do  you  mean  to  trade  to 
China  India  and  Carry  your  Cargoes  to  all  Europe  and  all  the  World  ? 
Even  to  Canada  Nova  Scotia  and  your  own  Southern  States?  Or  do 
you  mean  to  unite  with  us,  become  loyal  subjects  and  go  to  War  with 
all  our  Enemies?  I  wish  I  could  pursue  this  Conference  in  detail. 
But  Forces  fail. 

I  have  not  been  very  conversant  with  Voyages  and  Travels.  I 
recollect  no  Island,  discovered,  without  human  Inhabitants  Except 
Robinson  Crusoes.  Even  the  flying  Island  of  Lagado  was  not  destitute 
of  them. 

My  Compliments  to  my  ingenious  young  Acquaintance,  your  Son, 
and  when  he  comes  to  Boston  again  I  hope  he  will  not  not  forget 
his  and  his  Fathers  humble  Servant 

John  Adams 
Governor  Plumer.1 


1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts 

83 


John  Quincy  Adams  to  William  Plumer,  Jr. 
William  Plumer  junr  Esqr 

Washington  24.  June  1827. 
Dear  Sir 

I  received  with  great  pleasure  your  obliging  Letter  with  a  printed 
copy  of  Governor  Pierce's  Message  to  the  Legislature.  The  Message 
itself  is  a  judicious  and  discreet  public  document  and  in  the  notice 
which  it  takes  of  my  father  and  Mr  Jefferson,  my  personal  feelings 
were  highly  gratified,  considering  it  as  a  mark  of  individual  sympathy, 
not  less  than  a  tribute  of  patriotic  Spirit.  An  explicit  declaration  of 
friendly  sentiment,  or  of  approbation  towards  the  Administration  of 
the  general  Government,  would  have  been  acceptable  and  encouraging 
—  but  unless  it  had  been  perfectly  voluntary  and  spontaneous,  I  prefer 
the  silence  which  indicates  at  least  no  unfriendly  Spirit.  That  very 
unjustifiable  means  have  been  used  to  excite  prejudices  in  the  mind 
of  Governor  Pierce  as  well  as  in  those  of  all  the  people  of  New  Hamp 
shire  I  well  know,  but  I  trust  they  will  prove  abortive,  with  regard  to 
both 

I  beg  to  be  kindly  remembered  to  your  father,  and  shall  be  happy 
to  hear  from  you,  at  your  leisure  and  convenience ;  as  well  during  the 
Session  of  the  Legislature,  as  afterwards  —  remaining  ever  your  faith 
ful  and  unvarying  friend 

J.  Q.  Adams.1 

John  Quincy  Adams  to . 


Quincy  9.  Septr.  1831 
Dear  Sir. 

Your  two  Letters  of  22d.  ult°.  reached  me  here  upon  the  morning 
of  the  day  on  which  I  delivered  at  Boston,  a  part  of  the  discourse,  a 
copy  of  which  is  herewith  enclosed,  and  of  which  I  ask  your  accept 
ance.  The  facts  related  in  the  longer  of  your  Letters  were  not  alto 
gether  unknown  to  me,  but  I  was  not  before  receiving  it  so  much 
acquainted  with  them  in  detail.  You  will  observe  that  there  is  no 
reference  in  the  Eulogy,  to  any  of  the  Circumstances  which  rendered 
Mr  Monroe's  Life  uncomfortable  after  his  retirement  from  the  public 
Service.  They  appertain  to  a  train  of  reflections  suitable  to  a  formal 
biography,  but  which  it  seemed  to  me  might  with  more  propriety  be 
dispensed  with  on  this  occasion. 

The  erroneous  doctrine,  of  despotic  Sovereignty,  assailed  in  my 
Oration,  is  indeed  a  butterfly  — 

"Yet,  let  me  slap  this  bug  with  gilded  wings  — 

"This  painted  thing  of  dirt,  that  stinks  and  stings  — 
the  Memory  of  the  Stamp  Act  —  Stings,  in  the  threats  of  nullification 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.88]. 


which  will  not  evaporate  in  empty  menaces  —  I  believe  the  warning 
voice  was  needed ;  and  pray  that  it  may  not  share  the  fate  of  the  warn 
ings  of  Cassandra  —  You  will  see  that  in  the  enclosure  I  return  the 
historical  view  of  the  origin  of  the  Union  —  The  preservation  of  the 
Union  is  to  me,  what  the  Destruction  of  Carthage  was  to  Cato  —  the 
conclusion  of  every  Discourse. 

Very  faithfully  yours, 

J.  Q.  Adams.1 


ROBERT  SMITH. 


Robert  Smith  to  President  Jefferson- 

Baltimore  Aug.  28.  1803 
Sir, 

Your  favor  of  the  23d  enclosing  Mr  Simpson's  letter  to  Mr.  Madi 
son  I  have  received.  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  find  that  the  plan  of 
having  made  in  Europe  the  gun  Carriages  for  the  Emperor  of  Morocco 
cannot  take  effect.  I  am  yet  satisfied  that  the  plan  was  at  the  time 
proper.  Subsequent  events,  it  seems,  have  rendered  it  impracticable. 
I  am  also  much  distressed  that  Mr  Simpson  did  not  deem  it  expedient 
to  Offer  the  Cash.  I  believe  that  the  Emperor  would  have  been  well 
satisfied  with  a  sum  of  Money  much  less  than  will  be  expended  by 
us  in  procuring  and  transporting  the  carriages.  Among  the  diffi 
culties  that  have  heretofore  presented  themselves  in  this  business 
the  Means  of  ascertaining  the  size  and  the  kind  of  carriages  have 
never  been  communicated  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  And  Mr  Simp 
son  in  his  last  letter  only  informs  him  that  they  must  be  "perfectly 
complete  for  land  service"  with  iron  axle  trees"  &c  &c  without  speci 
fying  the  Caliber  of  the  gun  and  without  stating  whether  they  are  to 
be  for  Battery  or  Field  service.  It  is  to  be  presumed  from  circum 
stances  that  they  are  to  be  for  Batteries.  Be  this,  however,  as  it 
may,  the  gun  carriages  of  our  frigates  will  not  answer.  They  not 
only  do  not  answer  the  description  in  Simpsons  letter,  but  they  are 
not  at  all  fit  for  either  battery  or  field  Service.  When  it  was  under 
stood  that  the  Navy  Dep*  "would  see  to  the  execution  of  the  busi 
ness,"  it  was  believed  that  the  Navy  gun  Carriages  would  be  accepted. 
But  Simpsons  last  letter  informs  us  explicitly  that  they  are  wanted 
for  land  service.  Possibly  the  War  Department  may  be  able  to  supply 
the  demand  immediately.  We  may  probably  have  this  number  of 
carriages  constructed  for  embrasures;  and  as  the  embrasure  con 
struction  is  now  exploded,  the  Secretary  of  War  may  substitute  in 
their  place  the  modern  approved  plan  of  carriages.  If  this  should  be 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.i], 

85 


the  case  the  advantages  will  compensate  for  any  temporary  incon 
veniences.  But  at  all  events  I  know  of  no  other  mode  of  sending  on 
the  carriages  in  due  season.  To  build  them  would  require  many  — 
probably  six  months.  And  the  building  of  them  would  call  for  the 
careful  superintendence  of  a  skilful  Artillery  Officer.  As  these  car 
riages  are  wanted  for  land  Service  there  is  not  an  Officer  nor  an 
Agent  of  the  Navy  Dep*.  competent  to  the  undertaking.  They  must 
be  constructed  upon  principles  well  established  and  well  known  to 
scientifick  Artillery  Officers,  but  not  professionally  to  the  Officers  of 
the  Navy.  If  the  War  Dep4.  cannot  immediately  supply  this  demand 
and  new  carriages  must  be  made,  I  would  submit  to  consideration 
whether  they  could  not  be  made  with  the  least  expence  under  the 
Orders  of  the  Secty  of  War  by  his  Corps  of  Artificers  or  at  Washing 
ton  under  the  superintendence  of  Col  Bearbeck  [Burbeck].  In  case 
it  should  be  inconvenient  to  the  Secretary  of  War  to  have  any  agency 
in  this  business,  I  will  most  willingly  and  without  delay  undertake  it, 
if  he  will  have  the  goodness  to  give  me  the  services  of  Col  Bearbeck 
or  of  some  other  skilful  Artillery  Officer.  Without  such  a  superin 
tending  Officer  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  for  the  Navy  Dep*.  to 
accomplish  it.  But  with  all  the  advantages  that  could  be  thus  afforded 
me,  it  must  be  obvious  that  Gen1  Dearborn  is  much  better  qualified 
than  I  can  be.  The  occasion  however  is  very  pressing  and  our  exer 
tions  ought  to  be  united  to  promote  dispatch.  I  have  some  appre 
hension  that  this  disappointment  to  the  Emperor  connected  with  the 
Capture  of  the  Ship  by  our  Squadron  will  provoke  a  disposition  to 
hostility.  And  therefore  I  am  the  more  anxious  that  the  War  De 
partment  should  immediately  furnish  the  number,  which  can  be  re 
placed  at  leisure. 

A  copy  of  this  letter  I  will  send  by  this  Mail  to  Gen1  Dearborn 
in  order  that  he  &  I  may  be  progressing  in  the  business  and  may  be 
the  better  prepared  to  act  promptly  under  the  instructions  which  you 
may  be  pleased  to  give  either  to  him  or  to  me.1 

[R.  Smith.] 


WILLIAM  EUSTIS. 


William  Eustis  to  Nicholas  Gilman. 

Boston  Jan:  12.  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favor  of  the  2nd  instant  is  received,  and  I  am  very  much 
gratified  in  hearing  you  are  with  my  old  friend  Mrs.  Beckley  (to 
whom  &  to  her  mother  &  little  Alfred  if  there)  I  beg  to  be  kindly  re 
membered.  For  the  good  things  of  the  house  you  will  have  no  want. 
Our  wiseacres  begin  to  draw  in  their  horns  since  the  news  of  the 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.44]. 
86 


british  blockading  decree  —  an  Embargo  never  fails  to  beget  dis 
content  and  grumbling  in  the  sea  ports  as  you  well  know  —  the 
necessity  of  that  or  a  worse  measure  however  developes  itself  every 
day  and  as  far  as  I  can  judge  it  will  be  endured  with  as  much  patience 
as  can  be  expected.  Some  80  or  100  Sailors  called  on  Wm  Parsons  for 
employ  or  relief  he  advised  them  to  go  to  the  Govr  they  did  so  and 
behaved  very  peaceably  &  very  decently  asking  for  employ  or  that 
he  would  take  off  the  Embargo  —  in  peace  they  dispersed  —  Gen1 
Eaton  (a  member  of  the  Legislature)  moved  a  set  of  resolutions 
grounded  too  apparently  on  this  proceedure  and  made  a  set  speech  — 
but  no  harm  will  come  of  them  —  it  is  probable  the  consideration 
may  be  postponed  a  week  or  two  the  ground  is  frozen  and  it  is  hard 
digging  just  now  —  Already  it  is  whispered  the  Em :  will  be  of  short 
duration  —  but  this  must  be  conjecture  —  I  never  have  abandoned 
my  hope  of  peace  —  may  it  be  realized  —  The  story  of  a  certain 
gentleman's  losing  partly  the  confidence  of  his  party  will  in  time  be 
explained  —  the  fact  is  directly  &  strongly  the  reverse  —  Sullivan  & 
Gerry  when  they  recommended  W.  did  really  &  honestly  believe  this 
gentleman  to  be  intirely  out  of  the  question  —  but  as  they  did  recom 
mend  W.  and  not  E.  perhaps  it  is  presumed  they  gave  W.  the  prefer 
ence  —  the  truth  is  had  E.  consented  to  it,  he  would  have  been  recom 
mended  by  every  Rep:  in  the  State  and  by  the  whole  of  all  other 
parties  -  -  I  could  explain  (but  not  at  this  moment)  the  whole  mys 
tery  —  I  now  know  every  circumstance  and  am  fully  satisfied  of  all  — 
If  to  have  half  quarrelled  with  J.  for  his  versatility  &c  &c  &c  if  to  have 
incurred  the  resentment  of  the  fed  party  in  a  particular  manner  &  if 
to  have  the  thanks  of  our  friends  in  proportion  be  losing  then  indeed 
have  I  lost  part  of  their  support  &c  but  this  is  an  idle  theme  —  It  has 
lately  transpired  that  W.  has  openly  &  repeatedly  ridiculed  J-n  & 
C.  n-n  &  G.  --  in  short  the  whole  of  them  —  and  they  have  paid  him 
for  it  —  within  ten  days  he  has  said  he  likes  J.  better  than  he  did  — 
now  look  for  a  moment  at  the  Metropolis  —  name  the  public  officers 
in  your  own  mind  and  ask  yourself  is  it  possible  for  any  thing  to 
rally  round  these  men.  Independent  of  all  this  W.  will  be  a  standing 
reproach  —  for  he  is  now  known  to  the  Admn  "is  he  honest"  —  is 
he  capable"  —  D —  him  &  all  this  thing  —  Let  us  go  to  something 
better  —  Rose  will  come  &  offer  peace  and  you  will  take  it  —  and  we 
shall  have  good  times  again  —  you  will  tell  me  so  in  your  next  —  In 
the  mean  time  (for  I  am  interrupted  and  cannot  go  on)  may  the 
blessings  fall  upon  you  — 

Yrs  truly 

W  Eustis 

North  is  an  honest  &  feeling  fellow  —  he  will  be  very  much  delighted 
to  receive  your  remembrance  in  the  woods  of  Duansburgh  of  a  cold 
winter's  night  when  the  heart  of  an  old  soldier  is  ready  to  meet  that 
of  its  brother  Adieu 

To  Mrs  Smith  &  all  those  I  am  always  well  inclined.1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.4g]. 

87 


William  Eustis  to  Henry  Dearborn. 

(Private) 

Boston  April  iolh:  1808. 

Dr.  Sir,  (when  I  speak  of  the  Senate  I  mean  Cumberland  C°  & 

fear  for  York 

I  wrote  you  the  other  day  that  we  were  safe  —  so  we  are  con 
fident  we  are  in  the  choice  of  Govr.  but  we  have  lost  the  Senate  — 
those  documents  came  too  late  —  the  feds  flatter  themselves  that 
Cobb  will  be  Lieu1.  Govr.  but  I  think  not  —  Gore  will  have  more 
votes  than  I  had  calculated  on :  great  use  was  made  of  P — -'s  *  letter 
&  the  Embargo  —  and  we  had  nothing  to  counteract —  A's  Letter 
could  not  be  published  in  season :  &  Madisons  able  and  candid  expo 
sition  with  the  unanswerable  offer  to  give  equal  date  to  the  rescinding 
the  proclamation  &  to  the  acceptance  of  reparation  for  the  outrage 
on  the  Cheaseapeake  was  too  late  —  it  now  has  its  influence  —  the 
ground  taken  by  the  Essex  people  is  found  untenable  —  some  of  the 
respectable  federalists  have  never  gone  with  them  &  the  last  election 
proves  that  their  influence  is  declining  —  but  they  will  get  together 
again  unless  prevented  by  the  state  of  the  country  or  some  cause 
which  I  do  not  see.  Champigny's  2  Letter  has  come  -  this  would 
have  ruined  us  a  fortnight  before —  but  it  is  a  compleat  justification 
of  the  Embargo  as  you  will  see  in  Marcellus  to  morrow  —  for  the 
house  of  Rep's  we  are  now  to  strive —  sometimes  I  think  a  war  with 
some  foreign  nation  preferable  to  this  perpetual  conflict  at  home  — 
farewell  — 

W  Eustis.3 


WILLIAM  PLUMER. 


William  Plumcr  to  Nicholas  Oilman. 

Epping  March  28  1808 
Sir 

By  the  mail  of  to  day  I  received  your  much  esteemed  favor  of 
the  17th  &  am  much  gratified  with  your  attention  to  our  post  road.  I 
regret  that  you  have  not  a  fairer  prospect  of  establishing  one  from 
Newbury  Port  to  Exeter.  Such  an  establishment  would  much  more 
effectually  promote  public  interest  than  many  roads  now  in  use  in 
the  southern  and  western  States. 

As  to  documents,  any  that  you  can  spare  will  be  acceptable ;  but 
particularly  those  which  relate  to  the  revenue,  exports,  imports, 
militia,  &  our  affairs  with  other  nations. 

1  Timothy  Pickering.          *  Champagny. 

'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.5o]. 

88 


I  fully  concur  with  you  that  we  have  an  interest  in  protracting 
the  commencement  of  hostilities ;  and  in  the  interim  ought  to  adopt 
efficient  measures  to  meet  such  an  event.  I  never  had  so  much  con 
fidence  in  the  militia  as  to  think  it  would  be  safe  or  prudent  to  trust 
the  defence  of  the  country  to  them.  I  do  not  despise  the  militia ;  but 
I  most  sincerely  wish  our's  were  better  armed,  officered  &  disciplined. 
In  arms,  in  officers,  &  discipline,  they  are,  in  general,  shamefully  de 
ficient.  I  have  taken  much  pains  to  be  informed  of  the  actual  state 
of  the  militia  in  New  Hampshire;  &  I  assure  you  the  result  is  un 
favorable.  Some  of  our  divisions  &  brigades,  many  of  our  regiments 
&  battallions,  &  more  of  our  companies,  are  commanded  by  men,  who 
in  point  of  talents,  information  &  courage,  are  vastly  inferior  to  many 
who  stand  in  the  ranks.  Good  officers,  are  infinitely  of  more  im 
portance  than  a  numerous  army  —  without  them  you  can  never  have 
good  Soldiers.  And  as  to  our  arms,  I  think  I  am  correct  in  saying, 
that  the  militia  in  this  state,  have  not  on  an  average,  one  hundred  fire 
arms  to  a  regiment,  fit  for  an  action.  On  musters  they  borrow  from 
other  companies  &  regiments;  this  exagerates  the  returns  from  the 
Inspectors.  I  regret  that  our  State  legislature  should  content  them 
selves  with  passing  laws  to  subject  towns  to  the  payment  of  the 
trifling  expence  of  militia  officers  on  muster  days.  They  ought  to 
appropriate  a  certain  sum  to  be  annually  expended  in  the  purchase 
of  arms.  To  such  an  object  I  would  cheerfully  pay  my  quota.  A 
good  militia,  I  know,  would  afford  aid  in  defence  of  the  country.  But 
every  man  personally  acquainted  with  war,  or  with  its  history,  knows 
that  the  ultimate  fate  of  a  nation  depends  on  regular  troops  well 
officered  &  disciplined.  Tis  to  the  officers,  the  arms  &  discipline  of 
troops,  that  victory  &  conquest  submit  more  than  to  numbers.  And 
considering  the  great  probability  of  war,  I  am  astonished  our  Govern 
ment  has  not  acted  with  more  vigor  &  promptness  on  this  all  im 
portant  subject.  Their  marine  &  Select  militia  will  assuredly  fail 
them  in  the  perilous  hour  of  battle. 

I  abhor  that  love  of  popularity  that  shrinks  from  the  responsi 
bility  of  measures  necessary  for  the  defence  &  security  of  the  nation. 
I  wish  to  see  an  Administration  that  shall  give,  not  receive,  the  tone 
from  the  populace.  These  were  my  sentiments  &  feelings  when  in 
office,  &  they  are  mine  in  the  shade  of  retirement.  I  feel  little  of  the 
opposition  to  Mr  Jefferson  that  is  too  common  to  federalists,  &  still 
less  of  that  undistinguished  approbation  of  all  his  measures,  which 
governs  his  partizans.  I  have,  for  sometime,  endeavored  to  forget 
the  feelings  of  the  moment  &  the  spirit  of  party,  &  view  his  official 
conduct  in  the  same  light  in  which  impartial  history  will  present  it 
to  posterity.  In  examining  it  through  this  medium,  I  own  I  am  sur 
prized  that  he  has  not  communicated  more  information  to  the  Senate, 
the  supreme  council  of  the  nation,  of  the  actual  state  of  our  foreign 
relations. 

From  my  knowledge  of  Mr  Madison,  I  have  long  since  formed 
an  opinion,  that  he  was  too  much  of  a  closet  politician,  too  anti-commer- 

89 


rial,  to  be  elevated  to  the  presidency.  I  wish  our  president  to  be  a 
man  of  business,  and  not  exclusively  attached  to  either  agriculture  or 
commerce.  Both  should  be  protected,  for  they  mutually  depend  on 
each  other;  &  the  depression  of  either  will  essentially  injure  the 
best  interest  of  our  country. 

Did  any  of  the  gentlemen  from  this  State  attend  the  Madisonian 
caucus  —  and  will  any  of  them  support  his  election?  I  did  expect  Mr 
Monroe  would  be  the  other  candidate. 

I  am  told  you  are  to  adjourn  the  15th  of  the  next  month;  but  I 
think  the  state  of  public  affairs  forbid  so  early  a  recess. 

If  you  have  leisure  write  me;    &  be  assured,  that  I  am  with 
respect  and  esteem,  Dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient, 

William  Plumer 
Hon.  Nicholas  Oilman 

Senator 

Washington.1 

William  Plumer  to  Salma  Hale. 

Epping  (NH)  December  28th  1818 

Dear  Sir, 

The  last  mail  brought  me  sundry  papers  &  a  letter  of  the  IIth 
from  you ;  for  which  I  am  grateful. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  you  are  learning  the  Spanish  language.  I  be 
lieve  you  have  heard  me  several  times  express  a  decided  preference 
to  the  living  over  the  dead  languages ;  &  regret  that  our  literary  in 
stitutions  should  so  effectually  devote  their  time  &  that  of  their  stu 
dents  to  Greek  &  Hebrew  as  almost  totally  to  neglect  those  of  French, 
German  &  Spanish.  Our  Universities,  colleges  &  Academies  are  better 
suited  for  priests,  than  for  statesmen  or  active  useful  citizens.  Should 
the  University,  of  which  we  are  trustees,  succeed  in  her  controversies 
at  law,  I  shall  expect  little  from  her.  She  appears  to  be  following  the 
old  track  —  &  is  more  anxious  to  please  the  priesthood,  than  to  shape 
a  manly  independent  course  to  fit  men  for  the  business  &  duties  of 
this  world. 

The  conduct  of  Gen.  Jackson  has  been  that  of  an  arbitrary  soldier 
exceeding  rightful  authority.  In  war  such  a  man  is  useful;  but  in 
peace,  at  the  head  of  an  army,  he  is  dangerous.  His  conduct  will  aid 
the  project  of  those  who  wish  to  reduce  the  number  of  our  army,  & 
particularly  its  officers.  That  project  has  my  entire  approbation, 
&  hearty  wishes  for  its  success.  I  hope  the  army  will  be  reduced. 
In  a  state  of  peace  we  are  in  danger  of  being  too  martial.  Tis  that 
spirit  that  too  often  produces  wars,  the  scourge  of  man.  In  peace, 
the  best  preparation  for  war,  that  we  can  make  is  to  pay  our  debts,  & 
not  have  our  revenue  &  taxes  in  war  swallowed  up  by  then  having  to 
pay  the  interest  &  principle  of  claims  we  ought  now  to  discharge. 
Money  is  the  sinew  of  war  —  tis  the  one  thing  needful. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.4<>] . 

90 


Tis  a  poor  compliment  to  the  providence  &  economy  of  Congress, 
to  hear  the  officer  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury  department  say,  That 
from  the  state  of  our  currency,  it  may  be  necessary,  in  the  course  of 
the  ensuing  year,  to  have  authority  to  emit  treasury  notes  or  resort 
to  loans  to  meet  the  demands  on  the  treasury. 

Apropos  of  currency  —  The  report  I  mentioned  in  a  later  letter  of 
the  failure  of  banks  in  Maine  was  I  believe  unfounded  —  Coos  bills 
are  again  current;  but  bills  of  those  banks  are  received  with  distrust 
&  fear. 

Write  as  leisure  &  inclination  permit,  &  favor  me  with  such  Na 
tional  Intelligencers  Documents  as  you  have  to  spare. 

And  be  assured  that  I  am  truly  your  friend  &  servant 

William  Plumer 
Hon.  Salma  Hale 

Member  of  Congress 
Washington  x 


JOHN  MACPHERSON  BERRIEN. 


John  Macpherson  Berrien  to  Charles  Harris. 

Bulloch  13th  June  1810 

My  dear  Friend 

Mrs.  Berrien,  Miss  Collier  &  myself  arrived  here  on  Monday 
Morning  without  accident,  &  are  now  enjoying  a  quiet  repose,  in 
which  if  your  affairs  £  inclination  had  permitted,  I  should  have  been 
happy  to  have  had  you  participate.  If  still  you  should  determine  to 
make  it  the  summer  residence  of  your  family,  they  will  of  course  com 
mand  my  services  in  any  way  in  which  I  can  be  useful  to  them.  If 
you  have  yet  laid  your  hand  on  the  4th  volume  of  Goldsmith  pray  send 
it  by  Annock,  and  as  I  saw  in  your  office  a  sett  of  Boswell's  life  of 
Johnson  which  would  not  be  injured  by  the  transportation,  if  you  can 
spare  it,  pray  send  it  also.  I  endeavored  to  purchase  it  but  could  not 
get  a  copy  — 

At  the  moment  of  my  leaving  Savannah  a  circumstance  was 
stated  to  me  which  was  productive  of  unpleasant  feelings  until  I  had 
resolved  to  communicate  it  at  once  to  yourself.  It  was  stated  that 
you  were  not  only  unfavorable  to  my  election  as  Judge  of  the  Eastern 
District  —  but  that  you  expressed  yourself  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
induce  a  belief,  that  you  would  actively  exert  your  influence  to  oppose 
it.  It  is  on  this  subject  that  I  wish  to  give  &  to  ask  some  explanation. 
In  the  early  part  of  our  acquaintance  your  friendship  was  extended  to 
me  as  the  son  of  a  friend.  I  have  been  for  some  time  past  believing 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.24]. 

91 


that  I  had  some  claims  to  it  on  my  own  account.  When  therefore  I 
had  determined  after  repeated  solicitation  to  make  the  sacrafice  of 
money  &  of  feeling  incident  to  this  contest,  I  naturally  thought  of 
announcing  it  to  you.  But  I  perceived  a  subsisting  intimacy  between 
yourself  &  the  present  Judge  which  I  thought  would  render  such  a 
communication  unpleasant.  I  believed  too  that  you  would  justly 
appreciate  the  motives  of  my  silence,  that  you  would  decide  impar 
tially  between  our  respective  claims,  but  that  when  this  was  done  you 
would  not  actively  interpose  between  us.  Independently  of  any  sug 
gestions  of  friendship,  I  thought  the  motives  under  which  I  manifestly 
acted,  would  support  me  in  such  a  claim,  since  if  the  sacrifice  I  should 
make  did  not  render  it  sufficiently  obvious,  I  am  at  all  times  ready 
to  declare  that  nothing  short  of  a  conviction  of  indispensable  duty 
could  induce  me  to  hold  up  my  name  as  a  candidate.  Will  you  allow 
me  then  to  ask  if  I  am  to  expect  an  opposition  active  or  otherwise 
from  you  in  this  contest  —  and  if  so  will  you  do  what  is  more  im 
portant  to  my  feelings,  will  you  enable  me  to  explain  such  opposition 
to  those  who  may  enquire  about  it,  in  a  way  not  inconsistent  with 
the  friendship  which  has  hitherto  subsisted  between  us  —  if  which  I 
hope  is  the  fact,  such  explanation  is  consistent  with  the  truth  of  the 
case.  I  have  thought  it  advisable  under  every  view  of  the  subject  to 
explain  to  you  my  feelings  in  this  regard  —  and  I  have  not  been 
deterred  from  any  apprehension  that  you  would  ascribe  such  a  measure 
to  any  motive  unworthy  of  yours  very  truly 

Jn.  Macpherson  Berrien 
P.  S.    Pray  let  me  hear  from  you  by  Annock.1 


JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 


Jonathan  Russell  to  Joel  Barlow. 

London  14th  Jany  1812 

Dear  Sir 

Your  letter  of  the  19th  &  22nd  of  Decr  were  highly  welcome  as 
the  first  which  I  have  received  from  you  since  my  arrival  in  England 
—  but  most  welcome  on  account  of  the  hope  which  they  inspire  that 
your  mission  will  be  triumphant  -  The  fair  promises  held  out  to 
you  I  sincerely  hope  will  be  performed  —  and  I  pray,  for  your  sake  — 
the  sake  of  the  administration  and  the  country  that  your  success  may 
silence  the  clamours  of  all  adversaries  — 

Here  the  favourable  indication  given  a  few  weeks  since  have  not 
resulted  in  any  thing  beneficial  towards  us  and  I  begin  to  dispair  of 
any  relaxation  in  the  present  system  until  some  great  national  disaster 
shall  drive  the  present  ministry  from  power  —  At  present  the  war 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.4g]. 
92 


in  the  Peninsula  is  the  object  paramount  to  all  others  and  a  kind  of 
compromize  appears  to  have  grown  out  of  it  between  the  Prince,  the 
ministers  &  the  people  —  Yet  this  very  war  which  preserves  the 
existence  of  this  very  ministry,  so  hostile  to  us,  is  fed  &  pampered  by 
our  supplies  &  without  us  must  be  abandoned  —  I  fear  that  a  rupture 
between  Russia  &  France  will  do  us  harm  here  — 

I  hardly  know  how  to  reconcile  the  list  of  vessels  which  you  say 
have  been  released  to  you  with  what  the  French  government  an 
nounced  to  me  while  at  Paris  —  The  Two  Brothers  &  the  Star  were 
liberated  in  July  last  and  have  been  so  represented  both  to  this  gov 
ernment  &  our  own  —  As  to  the  Pocahontas  there  was  no  charge 
against  her  —  but  she  as  well  as  the  Star  were  merely  prevented  from 
leaving  military  ports  on  account  of  a  local  embargo.  You  will  see  all 
this  in  the  correspondence  left  with  you  —  copies  of  which  have  been 
sent  to  the  American  Government. 

Your  dispatch  for  America  has  been  forwarded  agreeably  to  your 
request  and  I  shall  take  particular  care  of  the  letter  for  Gen1  Regnard 
—  I  beg  leave  to  trouble  you  in  the  same  way  with  an  open  letter 
from  Admiral  Linois  &  I  have  given  him  cause  to  hope  for  an  answer 
through  the  same  channel  — 

I  find  that  the  French  locks  do  not  answer  for  our  Portmanteaux 
as  they  shake  open  —  I  have  therefore  been  obliged  to  procure  others 
of  a  different  kind  — 

I  am  very  sincerely  and  respectfully  yours 

Jona.  Russell 
His  Excellency 

Joel  Barlow 

&c.  &c.  &C.1 


SAMUEL  LATHAM  MITCHILL. 


Samuel  Latham  Mitchill  to  Henry  W.  Dearborn. 

Wash".  14  feb.  1812. 
Sir 

I  thank  you  for  the  letter  and  mineral  specimens  which  you  sent 
me  by  the  hand  of  Judge  Story.  You  are,  as  appears  to  me,  right  in 
your  conjectures  about  them.  One  is  unquestionably  the  sulphuret 
of  antimony;  but  it  has  strong  evidence  of  having  undergone  fusion, 
and  consequently  of  not  being  a  natural  specimen.  Another  is  evi 
dently  pumice-stone,  but  it  looks  so  like  that  from  the  Lipari  islands, 
that  I  hardly  know  how  to  consider  it  an  american  production.  The 
plumbago  resembles  other  samples  of  that  mineral. 

1  From  the   Chamberlain   Manuscripts    [Cham.C.7.83]. 

93 


Mineralogists  must  be  cautious.  The  ignorance  of  some  persons 
&  the  cunning  of  others,  constantly  expose  them  to  imposition.  I 
have  catched  the  collectors  of  samples,  and  the  makers  of  experiments 
so  often  in  their  tricks,  that  I  have  grown  wary  by  experience. 

There  is  a  sett  of  fellows  who  are  watching  all  opportunities  to 
deceive  the  credulous.  I  have  been  so  long  acquainted  with  them, 
that  I  can  generally  detect  them  when  they  call  upon  me  personally, 
by  their  physiognomy,  and  frequently  know  their  character  at  a  dis 
tance,  by  their  specimens. 

The  lawyers  say  "caveat  emptor" ;  the  naturalists  say  caveat 
investigator,  let  the  inquirer  look  sharp.  And  as  you  are  become  a 
scientific  observer,  the  sooner  you  begin  to  examine  with  scrupulous 
accuracy,  the  better  it  will  be. 

Mr  Gibbs  is  here.  He  starts  tomorrow  for  Newhaven,  to  arrange 
his  Cabinet  of  Minerals,  for  the  benefit  of  Yale  College.  We  tried  to 
get  that  superb  &  extensive  collection  for  New  York.  But  could  not 
succeed.  Your  Bostonians  were  equally  unsuccessful  and  Connecti 
cut  is  the  child  of  good  luck. 

Adieu !  and  be  happy  —  and  in  the  distribution  of  your  friendly 
sentiments  bestow  a  portion  upon  me. 

Sam  L  Mitchill.1 


WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 


William  Henry  Harrison  to  General  Meigs. 

Sfc  Marys  2Oth:  Septr.  1812 

Dear  Sir 

I  have  only  time  upon  a  dirty  piece  of  paper  to  inform  you  that 
the  number  of  horses  procured  for  mounting  the  Infantry  falls  far 
short  of  what  was  expected  —  Indeed  they  do  not  exceed  130  or  140. 
A  number  of  Kentucky  companies  also  have  been  diverted  from  this 
quarter  by  the  information  of  the  danger  at  Vincennes.  I  must  ab 
solutely  have  some  hundred  men  more  I  have  determined  to  give 
up  the  Wabash  Project  &  make  a  stroke  Directly  at  Detroit  Via  Fort 
Wayne  —  River  S*.  Josephs,  River  Resin  &c.  this  is  the  shortest 
route  But  it  must  be  kept  profoundly  secret.  Can  you  not  by  an 
exertion  send  me  one  or  two  hundred  mounted  men  to  follow  me  so 
as  to  be  here  in  five  or  six  days 

Yr.  friend 

Willm.  H.  Harrison 
Gen1.  Meigs  2 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.64]. 
*  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.8o]. 

94 


William  Henry  Harrison  to  Langdon  Cheeves. 

Cincinnati  Ist.  Novr.  1819 
Sir 

It  was  my  intention  before  I  knew  of  the  dismission  of  Mr.  Worth 
to  resign  my  Situation  as  Director  of  the  Branch  Bank  at  this  place. 
Because,  having  been  recently  Elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  State  I 
did  not  wish  to  subject  myself,  (for  the  course  which  I  intended  to 
take  in  relation  to  the  dispute  between  the  State  &  the  Bank)  to  the 
imputation  of  having  my  mind  biased  by  my  Connection  with  the 
Institution  But  the  conduct  of  the  Bank  by  the  Dismission  of  Mr 
Worth  would  alone  have  determined  me  to  withdraw.  With  this 
Gentleman  I  have  no  connection  or  intimacy  but  what  has  been  pro 
duced  by  meeting  him  at  the  board  But  his  indefatigable  attention 
to  the  duties  of  his  Station  His  unwearied  Zeal  in  defending  the 
Interests  of  the  Bank  &  his  general  Intelligence  have  secured  to  him 
my  Regard  &  Esteem. 

Little  upwards  of  two  years  ago  he  was  taken  from  a  lucrative 
Situation  at  Albany  &  brought  to  this  place.  His  removal  occasioned 
the  loss  of  the  larger  part  of  his  property.  He  is  now  turned  loose 
upon  the  world  without  even  knowing  the  Sin  which  he  has  com 
mitted. 

From  the  greater  qualities  both  of  the  Head  &  Heart  which  Mr 
Chives  is  admitted  to  possess  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that  he  has 
had  any  other  agency  in  a  transaction  so  wantonly  cruel  &  unjust 
than  what  his  official  Station  imposed  upon  him. 

He  will  be  pleased  to  inform  the  board  of  my  Resignation  of 
the  appomtm*.  which  they  conferred  upon  me 

And  accept  for  himself  the  assurance  of  my  High  Consideration 

W.  H.  Harrison 
L.  Chives  Esqr 

Presid1  Bank  U.  S.1 


JAMES  A.  BAYARD. 


James  A.  Bayard  to 


Washington  24.  Jan?.  1813. 
Dear  Sir 

I  received  by  the  mail  to  day  the  letter  you  did  me  the  favor  to 
write  on  the  22d.  ins*.  M".  Bayard  has  also  received  the  letter  you 
were  kind  enough  to  address  to  Her. 

The  occurrence  relative  to  our  child  has  caused  to  both  of  us 
much  affliction 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.75]. 

95 


The  punishment  inflicted  for  a  first  transgression  appears  to  me 
severe,  but  I  may  not  be  acquainted  with  all  the  circumstances  of  the 
case,  or  with  the  necessity  of  the  example  in  relation  to  the  condiion 
of  the  Institution.  I  am  persuaded  however  by  the  sentiments  grow 
ing  out  of  our  early  and  intimate  friendship,  that  a  measure  so  nearly 
affecting  me  passing  under  your  sanction  would  not  have  been 
adopted  without  sufficient  cause.  The  Boy  I  know  is  not  without 
faults,  but  I  believe  he  is  exempt  from  any  depravity  of  heart  or  prin 
ciple.  I  could  wish  him  restored  to  the  college  if  it  can  be  done  con 
sistently  with  the  rules  of  the  Institution  and  without  too  great  a 
debasement  on  his  part.  I  should  wish  to  see  him  penitent,  should 
be  satisfied  to  see  him  humbled  to  any  point  which  would  allow  him 
afterwards  to  redeem  his  character. 

My  cousin  Mr.  S.  Bayard  has  proposed  his  being  sent  to  Bruns 
wick  during  the  remainder  of  the  present  Session,  where  he  states 
to  me  he  will  have  the  means  of  prosecuting  the  studies  of  his  class. 
Mr.  Lata  whom  you  mention  does  not  reside  in  Wilmington  and  in 
fact  my  house  in  that  place  is  at  present  shut  up.  If  you  approve  of 
Mr.  Bayard's  project  I  hope  you  will  advise  its  execution. 

And  I  cannot  help  feeling  confident  that  you  will  allow  me  to 
expect  in  behalf  of  the  child  on  the  ground  of  our  ancient  friendship 
and  my  partiality  for  the  College  whatever  may  be  compatible  with 
the  duties  of  your  situation. 

I  am  Dear  Sir 

with  great  respect 
your  ob*.  Ser4 

J.  A.  Bayard  * 


HENRY  DEARBORN. 


Henry  Dearborn  to  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn. 

Washington  March  21  —  1812. 
Dear  Henry 

I  enclose  a  report  of  the  Committee  on  Henrys  communications 
with  the  testimony  of  Count  Crillon,  —  when  he  mentioned  the  name  of 
Perkins,  he  was  asked  if  he  heard  his  Christian  name,  he  answered  in  the 
negative,  he  was  asked  whether  he  observed  any  thing  unusual  in  his  face, 
he  said  he  had  a  strong  natural  wine  mark  on  outside  of  his  face.  —  not 
withstanding  all  that  has  been  said  about  the  names  of  those  more  immedi 
ately  concerned,  at  Boston,  they  will  appear  in  due  time,  or  I  am  much 
mistaken. 

I  am  still  confined,  but  am  recovering,  and  hope  to  be  out  in  a  day  or 
two.  Yours  affectionately 

H  Dearborn  2 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.84]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.n.ig]. 

96 


Henry  Dearborn  to  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn. 

Lisbon  April  ioth  1823  — 
Dear  Henry, 

Your  letters  of  Novemr  &  Decemr  with  lots  of  Newspapers 
have  been  received  with  great  pleasure,  and  also  your  letters  of  i6th  &  19th 
of  January,  for  which  I  thank  you.  I  have  likewise  received  one  from 
your  Son  Henry  R.  which  gave  me  great  pleasure,  I  shall  answer  it  soon.  — 
I  find  the  Portugees  talk  quick,  and  move  &  act  very  slow,  both  in  the 
civil  and  Military  Departments,  the  insurrection  in  the  Northern  province 
has  not  yet  been  put  down,  which  I  impute  to  the  tardy  movements  of  the 
National  Troops  —  Negotiations  move  as  tardily  as  the  Army.  —  the 
King  informed  me  the  last  evening  that  he  had  received  information  of 
the  Arrival  of  the  Duke  De  Anguleme  and  several  General  Officers  at 
Bayonne,  and  that  the  French  Army  had  probably  entered  Spain  befor 
this  time.  I  observed  to  His  Majesty  that  I  thought  it  not  improbable 
that  the  King  &  Government  of  France  would  ultimately  have  reason  to 
repent  of  the  invasion  of  Spain,  he  appeared  to  acquiesce  by  a  smile,  but 
said  nothing,  he  complained  of  the  slow  movements  of  the  Troops  in  the 
North,  acting  against  the  Insurgents  —  the  delay  of  the  French  army  has 
given  Spain  the  means  of  cuting  up  a  very  great  part  of  her  Insurgents, 
and  of  organizing  her  Army  &  Militia,  but  it  yet  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
they  will  act  with  the  firmness  &  bravery  they  ought  to,  or  not.  the  re 
moval  of  the  King  &  Cortes  to  Savill  is  a  great  point  gained  by  Spain, 
every  kind  of  intrigue  was  practiced  to  prevent  it  —  late  accounts  from 
France  speak  loudly  of  simptoms  of  General  Mutiny  in  the  French  Army 
near  Spain,  that  several  Gen1  and  Field  Officers  have  been  Arrested  or 
dismissed,  and  that  a  general  disposition  pervaded  France  which  indicated 
a  convulsion,  and  that  the  French  Government  had  applied  to  Austry  & 
Russia  for  Aid,  but  I  presume  that  the  writers  have  painted  things  in 
strong  colours,  for  which  large  allowances  are  to  be  made.  I  think  from 
all  that  we  hear,  the  invasion  of  Spain  is  extremely  unpopular  in  France, 
and  may  produce  serious  consiquences,  if  persisted  in,  especially  if  Spain 
does  her  duty.  —  we  have  had  plenty  of  green  peas  &  shel'd  beans  for  the 
last  fortnight,  our  garden  looks  as  beautiful  as  possible,  we  have  now  a 
strong  South  Easterly  Storm  of  rain,  which  appears  like  our  North  East 
rain  stormes  in  June.  I  am  going  up  the  river  in  a  Steam  boat  to  Villa 
Franka,  about  17  miles,  I  shall  go  on  Saturday  &  return  on  Monday.  A 
Steam  boat,  or  Ship,  is  now  plying  between  this  city  &  Opporto,  she  makes 
a  passage  in  22  hours,  distance  about  sixty  leagues.  I  intend  to  take  a 
trip  in  her  in  about  a  month.  I  have  been  informed  that  in  England  & 
Scotland  an  improvement  has  been  adopted  in  their  Steam  boats,  called  a 
safety  valve,  which  is  so  large  and  certain  in  its  opperation  as  to  prevent 
intirely  all  resque  of  bursting  the  boilers,  no  quantity  of  fuel  can  raise  the 
steam  above  a  certain  degree  of  force,  there  is  a  small  pipe  goes  up  near 
the  main  funnel,  which  conveys  off  the  steam  from  the  safety  valve,  the 
pipe  is  six  or  eight  inches  in  diameter,  but  how  the  valve  is  constructed  I 


97 


do  not  know,  but  it  must  be  of  immense  importance  to  the  steamboat 
sistem.  —  It  is  also  said,  that  a  man  in  England  has  lately  discovered  an 
improvement,  which  will  save  three  fourths  of  the  fuel  now  used,  and 
diminish  the  weight  of  Machinery  about  one  half,  without  diminishing  the 
present  force.  —  at  the  adjournment  of  the  Cortis  on  the  last  day  of  March, 
we  had  the  usual  parade,  at  the  Pallace  of  the  Cortes  and  at  the  King  s 
Palace,  —  an  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  Cortis  will  probably  take  place 
the  first  of  May,  by  a  summons  from  the  King.  There  has  been  a  large 
number  of  Nobility,  Clergy,  and  others  taken  up  in  this  City  and  other 
parts  of  the  Kingdom,  being  suspected,  or  known,  as  being  concerned  in 
the  Insurrection,  and  when  the  Insurrection  is  finally  put  down,  there  will 
probably  be  some  shooting  &  hanging. 

I  begin  to  long  for  some  good  cider,  if  an  opportunity  should  occur,  I 
wish  you  would  send  half  a  gross  of  old  bottled  cider,  and  one  or  two 
barrels  of  good  sound  old  Orchard,  in  clean  iron  hooped  casks,  with  three 
quarts  of  brandy  in  each  barrel.  I  hope  to  have  a  good  assortment  of 
Grape  vines  with  roots,  properly  put  up  this  season  to  send  you  in  the 
Autumn  or  winter.  —  we  shall  have  a  plenty  of  fine  grapes,  and  some  fine 
cherrys  &  pears,  in  our  garden,  as  well  as  a  great  profusion  of  flowers.  — 
I  have  three  horses,  they  are  now  feeding  for  one  month  on  green  barley 
cut  every  day,  and  raised  as  a  substitute  for  hay,  sowed  in  September,  and 
now  beginning  to  head,  it  is  a  universal  practise  here  to  feed  the  carriage 
&  saddle  horses  &  Mules  on  the  green  barley  one  month  at  this  time  of  the 
year  and  not  give  them  any  grain,  or  work  them,  until  the  end  of  the  month, 
many  Gentlemen  in  the  mean  time  ride  a  boozer,  Alias  Jack  Ass.  —  or 
Donka,  the  best  kind  of  these  little  fellows  carry  a  moderate  sized  man  or 
woman  very  well  and  easey,  my  horses  are  all  black  Stallions,  one  is  called 
a  poney,  but  he  is  a  very  good  sized  horse.  Laury  rides  him,  and  I  have 
rode  him  once,  he  goes  very  well,  he  is  our  market  horse.  —  we  have 
very  frequent  small  Evening  parties  in  our  immediate  neighborhood,  very 
little  expence  attends  them. 

Your  Mother  &  Laury  unite  with  me  in  the  most  affectionate  Saluta 
tions  to  you,  your  Dear  Hannah  and  Julia,  Henry  R.  &  William  L.  and 
our  Cousins  Ann  &  Charlotte.  — 

H.  Dearborn 

P.  S.  we  all  agree  that  Cap* 

Oxnard  is  no  great  things  or  he  would  not  again  so  soon 
leave  his  wife  &  Children. 

H.  D.1 


Henry  Dearborn  to  Henry  A.  S.  Dearborn. 

Lisbon  Octobr  25th  1823  - 
Dear  Henry, 

Your  very  entertaining  and  agreable  letter  of  the  i1  &  4th  of 
Septemr  has  been  received,  and  perused  with  peculiar  pleasure  —  I  send 
this  with  the  enclosed  dispatch  by  a  vessel  from  S*  Ubes  for  Boston,  I  will 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.zi.2z]. 

98 


thank  you  to  put  the  enclosed  into  the  post  office.  I  have  requested  the 
President  to  permit  my  return  home  as  early  as  May,  June,  or  at  farthest, 
July  next,  and  I  trust  that  the  reasons  I  have  offered,  will  induce  the 
President  to  comply  with  my  request.  —  We  are  all  in  good  health,  to 
morrow  will  be  a  Grand  Gala  day,  the  hopefull  young  Prince,  will  be  21 
years  of  age,  —  nothing  new  has  occurred  since  my  last,  prescription  & 
persecution  is  the  order  of  the  day  in  Spain,  the  King  has  appointed  his 
principle  Confessor  his  prime  Minister,  the  Duke,  the  heir  of  S*  Louis, 
and  the  other  French  Gen^s  are  said  to  be  opposed  to  Ferdinands  measures, 
and  advise  a  General  Amnesty  for  all  that  is  past,  but  Ferdinand  &  his 
Ghostly  Advisers  reject  all  such  conciliatory  measures,  —  what  steps  the 
French  Government  will  next  adopt  is  very  uncertain,  after  having  pro 
duced  the  present  storm,  they  are  not  allowed  to  prescribe  bounds,  beyond 
which  its  ravages  shall  be  staid.  —  Great  Britain  will  be  satisfied  with 
such  a  perminent  occupation  of  Cadis  by  the  French  Army,  as  seems  to  be 
contemplated —  Ferdinand  has  ordered  a  strong  Naval  expedition  to  be 
immediately  prepared,  for  Lima,  and  the  Merchants  are  to  furnish  the 
necessary  money,  we  receive  no  information  from  Brazil  or  any  other 
parts  of  South  America  except  what  we  obtain  from  the  American  U.  S. 
&  British  papers.  —  I  have  not  yet  tasted  the  Cider,  but  shall  as  soon  as 
it  has  had  sufficient  time  to  settle,  —  when  you  have  read  my  last  long 
omnium  Gatherum  letter  I  wish  you  would  send  it  to  Julia,  if  you  think 
they  will  consider  it  as  worth  the  postage.  — 

we  send  greeting  our  most  affectionate  Salutations  to  you  your  Good 
Hannah  and  dear  Children,  to  include  Cousins  Ann  &  our  Good  Charlotte 
&  her  little  ones,  and  also  Col  Lee  &  Family.  — 

H.  Dearborn  * 


Henry  Dearborn  to  Henry  A.  S.  Dearborn. 

Lisbon  Novemr.  4th.  1823. 
Dear  Henry, 

By  the  Brig  Ant  Cap*  Lane,  I  send  to  you  three  newspapers 
in  which  you  will  find  some  good  reading.  We  have  had  a  Grand  Gala  at 
Queluze  about  seven  miles  from  the  City  it  was  very  splendid.  I  got 
home  at  4  oclock  pretty  hungry,  but  in  fine  spirits,  the  ride  effected  me 
very  favorably,  all  things,  go  on  here  as  they  have  for  several  months 
past,  as  whim,  or  caprice,  or  passion  dictates,  without  any  responsibility, 
or  regard  to  old,  or  new,  formes  and  usages,  whether  the  King  has  any 
direct  agency  in  the  measures  pursued,  or  not,  is  very  uncertain,  or  to 
what  extent  the  influence  of  the  different  foreign  Ministers  opperates  is 
likewise  uncertain,  there  is  now  no  appearance  or  indications  of  any 
alteration  for  the  better.  Spain  is  completely  prostrated,  and  subjected 
to  the  cruelties  of  unrelenting  barbarities  of  the  most  brutal  bigotry  & 
superstition,  the  Court  of  Great  Britain  has  been,  &  still  is,  playing  an 
under  part  to  the  measures  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  how  far  the  overbearing 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.65]. 

99 


ambition  of  France  may  opperate  towards  producing  a  change  in  the 
policy  of  the  British  Government,  such  as  might  occasion  a  dispute  among 
the  members  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  is  doubtfull.  nothing  short  of  a  strong 
&  direct  interference  with  the  Commercial  interest  of  Great  Britain  will 
probably  induce  her  to  change  her  late  &  present  policy  of  adhearing  to 
the  measures  &  principles  of  the  holy  Alliance,  however  displeasing  to  the 
great  Body  of  the  Nation.  Mr  Child  was  to  have  sailed  this  day  for  Eng 
land  but  the  vessel  got  under  way  before  he  could  git  ready  &  he  was  left. 
he  will  go  by  the  first  opportunity,  he  intends  spending  a  few  months  in 
England  and  what  next  is  uncertain,  he  returned  from  Spain  as  soon 
Cades  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  French,  and  is  now  on  the  world  at 
large,  —  I  will  give  you  a  short  sketch  of  the  history  of  this  Government, 
the  present  King  had  an  elder  Brother,  Joseph,  who  was  carefully  edu 
cated  under  the  direction  of  the  then  great  prime  Minister  the  Marquis  of 
Pombal,  who  placed  around  the  young  Prince  the  most  able  &  liberal  Pre 
ceptors.  Joseph  arrived  at  the  age  of  manhood  possessed  of  an  uncommon 
share  of  the  necessary  qualities  both  native  &  acquired  for  forming  a  great 
&  good  King,  but  was  unfortunately  carried  off  by  the  small  pox,  uni 
versally  lamented  by  the  Nation,  the  education  of  John,  the  present  King 
was  very  much  neglected,  when  on  the  death  of  the  late  King  the  Queen 
came  to  the  Throne  although  amiable  she  was  very  superstitious,  and  by 
the  Influence  of  the  Clergy  and  other  intriguers,  she  was  induced  to  dis 
miss  the  Marquis  of  Pombal  and  to  appoint  Ministers  with  no  other  qual 
ities  but  an  overweening  passion  for  inriching  themselves  &  their  friends 
out  of  an  overflowing  Treasury  which  the  good  management  of  Pombal 
had  produced,  the  Clergy  prevailed  on  the  Queen  to  erect  very  expensive 
Churches  &  Convents,  with  the  money  which  Pombal  had  collected  for  the 
improvmt  of  the  Navy,  the  Harbour  and  other  important  public  purposes, 
one  Church  &  Convent  near  where  we  reside,  called  the  Heart  of  Christ, 
cost  the  enormous  sum  of  six  million  of  dollars  and  by  such  mismanage 
ment  and  peculations  of  all  kinds,  the  Treasury,  in  a  few  years  became 
empty,  and  the  Ministry  were  compell'd  to  have  recourse  to  a  paper  cur 
rency  to  a  large  amount,  which  is  yet  in  circulation,  at  a  depreciation  of 
33  pr  cent,  under  such  circumstances  the  present  Don  John  the  VI  first 
came  to  the  Regency,  and  then  to  the  Throne,  under  very  unfavourable  cir 
cumstances,  as  well  on  account  of  his  neglected  education,  as  by  the  com 
parison  that  every  one  drew  between  him  &  his  late  Brother  Joseph,  who 
was  the  Idol  of  the  Nation,  but  if  John  could  have  had  such  a  Minister  as 
Pombal,  he,  with  such  qualities  as  he  possessed,  might  have  done  very  well, 
but  as  it  has  been,  with  such  Ministers  as  he  has  had,  all  the  improvements, 
in  the  Finances,  the  Navy,  Army,  Manufactories,  and  Commerce,  have  dis 
appeared,  and  all  is  Chaos,  or  as  Mr  Fingal  says  of  our  old  paper  money,  has 
all  turned  back  to  rags  again,  some  years  back  the  Government  raised  the 
nominal  value  of  Gold  &  Silver  coins,  to  bring  them  nearer  to  the  paper 
currency,  the  gold  was  raised  17  pr  cent  &  the  Silver  20  pr  C.  but  it  only 
produces  higher  corresponding  prices  on  all  Articles  for  sale,  the  paper 
is  still  15  pr  cent  below  metal.  Bills  on  London  sell  nominally  for  17  or 
1 8  pr  cent  advance,  but  as  the  payment  for  the  bills  is  in  money  17  or  18 


100 


pr  cent  above  its  real  value,  there  is  nothing  gained  on  the  sale  of  the  bills, 
nor  is  there  anything  lost,  what  ever  is  purchased  must  be  paid  for  in  the 
present  currency  as  much  higher  as  the  money  is  above  its  intrinsic!-:  value, 
the  pretence  of  the  Government  for  raising  the  nominal  value  of  Gold  & 
Silver  coin,  was  to  prevent  its  going  out  of  the  Country,  notwithstand 
ing  the  immense  Commerce  of  this  City  in  former  times,  and  the  number 
of  vessels  even  now  owned  here,  there  has  never  to  this  day  been  one  wharf, 
all  vessels  must  take  in  &  discharge  their  cargoes  at  anchre  from  thirty 
rods  to  half  a  mile  from  the  shore,  the  shore  the  whole  length  of  the  City 
is  as  good  for  erecting  wharves  as  could  be  desired.  Pombal  had  deter 
mined  to  build  a  strong  wall  as  far  out  as  low  water  marck  from  Bellens 
to  the  upper  end  of  the  City  about  4  miles,  and  to  fill  up  the  whole  with 
stone  &  gravel,  &  had  provided  fund  for  the  purpose,  but  the  money  was 
used  for  very  different  purposes  after  he  was  dismissed,  wharves  could 
then  [have]  been  very  easily  erected  at  proper  places,  with  a  small  expence. 
but  it  is  to  be  feared  that  it  will  be  a  long  time  before  an  other  Pombal  will 
appear  in  this  Government  —  or  a  King  with  information  and  firmness 
and  industry  and  virtue,  enough,  to  manage  his  own  affairs  in  his  own 
way,  and  for  the  public  good. 

It  is  very  evident  that  little  or  nothing  can  be  reasonably  expected 
from  the  exertions  of  the  People,  the  intire  corruption  of  the  higher  & 
midlirig  Classes,  with  the  degraded,  debased  and  ignorant  situation  of 
the  lower  classes,  appears  to  have  doomed  the  whole  mass  to  slavery  & 
retchedness,  beyond  redemption.  — 

From  the  papers  you  sent  to  me  it  appears  that  Mr  Calhoun  will  be 
one  of  the  highest  if  not  the  very  highest  candidates,  for  the  Presidency. 
Crawford's  friends  must  I  presume  rely  only  on  no  choice  by  the  people 
and  then  on  the  Representatives,  and  from  the  number  of  candidates  I 
should  presume  that  there  can  be  but  a  small  chance  for  an  Election  by  the 
people.  Crawford,  Calhoun,  Jackson  and  Clay  must  if  they  all  are  con 
tinued  as  candidates,  carry  more  than  one  half  of  the  whole  number  of 
votes,  and  of  course  some  of  them  must  cease  to  be  candidates,  or  there 
will  be  no  choice  by  the  people,  which  would  be  a  very  great  misfortune, 
no  other  circumstance  will  in  my  opinion  so  much  tend  to  a  disunion  of 
the  Confederacy  as  contested  elections  of  President  by  Congress.  I  there 
fore  dread  such  a  case,  and  yet  hope  that  in  the  course  of  the  next  Session 
of  Congress  measures  may  be  pursued  by  the  Members  from  the  different 
parts  of  the  Union  that  may  reduce  the  numbers  of  candidates  and  produce 
a  probable  chance  of  an  Election  by  the  people,  and  I  most  ardently  wish 
that  such  an  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  may  be  proposed  and  adapted 
[adopted],  as  will  more  effectually  secure  the  Election  of  the  President  in 
future  by  the  legitimate  Electores,  the  People,  and  of  course,  prevent  the 
necessity  of  a  choice  by  Congress,  either  the  friends  of  Mr  Calhoun  must 
unite  with  those  of  Mr  Adams  or  as  a  last  report,  the  reverse,  or  I  fear 
there  will  be  no  election  by  the  people,  and  I  should  prefer  either  of  the 
alternatives,  to  an  election  by  Congress.  If  I  could  be  sure  that  Crawford 
would  not  in  any  event,  obtain  the  Election,  I  should  feel  more  at  ease, 
but  if  it  must  be  decided  by  Congress  there  is  no  calculating  on  what  may 

101 


be  effected  by  all  manner  of  management,  that  the  occasion  would  most 
probably  [illegible]  On  my  own  personal  account,  I  have  nothing  to  hope 
or  fear,  but  others  have,  and  the  Country  with  its  best  interests  are  dear  to 
me  and  will  continue  to  be,  I  hope,  the  few  remaining  Days,  or  years  I  may 
live,  the  present  situation  of  a  great  part  of  Europe,  renders  my  own, 
Country  more  &  more  dear  to  me,  and  a  continuation  of  its  happiness  more 
&  more  interesting. 

You  will  perceive  by  my  long  letters,  that  age  never  fails  to  produce 
garrulity,  which  young  people  bear  with  more  patience  from  a  presump 
tion  that  they  may  live  to  shew  the  same  effect  of  old  age.  —  many  of  the 
Ladies  here  endeavour  to  flatter  me  by  assuring  me  that  they  should  not 
think  me  more  than  fifty  years  old,  when  I  tell  them  I  am  upwards  of 
seventy,  but  their  flattery  does  not  reduce  my  real  age,  one  tittle,  or 
diminish  my  affections  for  you  &  my  other  dear  connections,  to  all  of  whom 
I  tender  my  affectionate  Salutations. 

Henry  Dearborn 
Gen1  Henry  A.  S.  Dearborn. 1 


Address  of  his  Officers  to  Major  General  Henry  Dearborn. 

Fort  George,  July  15th.  1813. 
To 

Maj.  Gen1.  Dearborn, 

Comms.  &c  &c  &c., 
Sir, 

We  the  undersigned  General  and  field  officers  of  the 
army  who  have  served  under  your  orders  in  the  present  campaign  —  hav 
ing  heard,  with  regret,  that  it  is  your  intention  to  retire  from  your  present 
command,  beg  leave  respectfully  to  address  you  upon  the  subject. 

We  are  far  from  presuming,  sir,  to  interfere  with  arrangements  made 
by  authority  when  announced ;  but  humbly  conceive  the  present  circum 
stances  of  this  army  are  such,  as  will,  when  taken  into  serious  considera 
tion  convince  you  that  your  longer  continuance  with  us  is  of  the  first 
importance  at  this  moment  if  not  absolutely  indispensable  to  the  good  of 
the  service. 

We  are  now  iri  a  hostile  country  &  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood 
of  a  powerful  tho'  beaten  enemy  —  an  enemy  whose  strength  is  daily 
recruited  by  the  arrival  of  reinforcements.  In  our  own  numbers  too  we 
have  strength  &  confidence ;  our  position  has  been  well  chosen  for  defence 
and  the  moment  for  advancing  upon  the  enemy  may  soon  be  expected  to 
come.  But  to  operate  with  success  it  is  necessary  that  we  should  have  our 
complement  of  officers.  But  two  Generals  now  remain  whereas  our  num 
bers  would  give  full  employment  for  three.  If  you  too,  unfortunately, 
should  be  taken  from  us,  (at  such  a  period  as  the  present)  the  deficiencies 
cannot  be  soon  supplied  and  in  the  meantime  the  enemy  &  the  period  for 
the  renewal  of  operations  are  at  hand. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.y.ig], 
102 


Sir,  we  are  far  from  distrusting  our  own  ability  to  execute  the  com 
missions  with  which  we  have  respectively  been  honoured  by  our  Govern 
ment;  and  have  no  design  of  converting  this  address  into  one  of  mere 
personal  adulation.  We  know  your  averseness  to  flattery  &  as  soldiers 
we  are  unaccustomed  to  flatter.  But  the  circumstances  under  which  we 
address  you,  oblige  us  to  say  that  the  knowledge  we  possess  of  your  numer 
ous  services  &  merits  in  the  ardent  struggles  of  our  glorious  revolution  — 
not  to  speak  of  more  recent  events  in  which  we  might  be  supposed  to  feel 
too  warmly  as  participators  —  has  given  us  an  infinite  higher  confidence 
in  your  ability  to  command  with  energy  &  effect  than  we  can  possibly  feel 
individually  in  ourselves  or  generally  in  those  who  will  be  placed  in  sta 
tions  of  increased  responsibility  by  your  withdrawal  from  this  army. 

As  soldiers,  we  trust  we  shall  be  found  equal  to  our  duties  in  any 
event;  but  as  soldiers  &  lovers  of  our  country  we  wish  to  perform  those 
duties  under  the  most  favourable  auspices.  Therefore  we  do  most  earn 
estly  entreat  you  to  postpone  the  resolution  we  understand  you  to  have 
taken  &  to  continue  in  the  exercise  of  that  command  which  you  have  al 
ready  holden  with  honour  to  yourself  &  country,  and  with  what  is  of  less 
consequence  —  the  approbation  of  those  who  now  address  you..  If,  how 
ever,  contrary  to  our  ardent  wishes,  &  contrary  to  what  appear  the  exigen 
cies  of  this  army,  you  should  still  feel  yourself  bound  from  any  cause 
whatever  to  withdraw  from  this  frontier ;  in  such  event  we  have  to  beg  that 
you  will  please  bear  with  you  whithersoever  you  may  go,  the  recollection 
of  our  great  veneration  for  your  revolutionary  services;  our  respect  for 
your  political  constancy  &  virtue,  &  the  high  sense  we  unanimously  enter 
tain  of  the  benefits  your  country  has  already  received  at  your  hands  since 
the  commencement  of  this  present  war. 

With  these  sentiments  &  the  best  wishes  for  the  speedy  &  perfect 
restoration  of  your  health  — 

We  have  the  honour  to  be  with  the  highest  gratitude  &  respect 

Yr.  most  ob.  Servants 

Abrm  Eustis  Major  L*  Artl*  Jn°.  P.  Boyd  B.  G. 

Thornton   Posey   Major  Vth.   In-     M.  Porter  Colonel  Light  Artillery 

fantry     James  Burn  Colonel  2d  Reg*.  U.  S. 
Jn° :  V :  H  :  Sluyck  Majr  13th  Reg*  L.  Dragoons 

Infy :     H.  Brady  Col.  22d  Infy 

N.  Pinkney  Major  5  Reg1  Cromwell  Pearce  Col  16  Infy 

R.    Lucas    Major    22d.    Reg*.    In-     James  Miller  Col  6*  Inf* 

fantry.     w  ScQtt  Col  &  Ad- 
T.  Woodford  Ma^  2d  R.  U.  S.  L     R  Beebe  Asgt 

Dragoons     R  y  ^^  ^  ^ 
J.  Johnson  Major  21  Inftry  u 

W»  Cumming  Majr  8th  Infy  John  Chrystie  Colonel  23*  Infy. 

John  E.  Wool  Major  U.  S.  Inf*         James   R    Preston   U'   Col°    I2 
Willoughby  Morgan   Major   12th.  Reg1-  Infty  Commd-. 

Infantry     Joseph  L.  Smith  Lieut.  Col.  24th 

Benj.  Forsyth  Maj.  U.  S.  Infy 

H.  M.  Malcolm  Major  13*.  Infy  *       G.  A.  Mitchell.  L1  Col.  3d  Artillery. 
'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.8i]. 

I03 


THE  COUNTERFEITING 
OF  COLONIAL  PAPER  MONEY, 

I735-I739- 


The  Declaration  of  John  Davis. 

The  Declaration  of  John  Davis  of  Boston  Coaster,  made  the  i8th  Sepr. 
I735- 

That  about  Twenty  Two  months  ago  he  met  William  Pattin  of 
Wells,  Blacksmith  at  his  Shop  who  told  him  That  as  he  was  a  Coaster  & 
frequently  us'd  that  Town,  he  had  something  to  tell  him  which  might 
be  of  Advantage  to  them  both  if  he  would  be  Secret,  he  promised 
Secrecy  &  askt  him  what  it  was :  upon  which  he  shew'd  the  declarant 
a  Bundle  of  Twenty  five  Shilling  Bills  in  Imitation  of  the  Bills  of  the 
province  of  New  Hampshire,  Ten  of  which  Bills  he  deliver'd  him, 
telling  him  he  should  have  half  of  what  he  put  off:  the  declarant  askt  him 
where  he  got  them,  who  answer' d  it  was  no  matter,  but  if  he  could  put  these  off, 
he  should  have  more  of  them,  &  after  Some  other  talk  on  this  head,  they 
parted :  a  few  Days  afterwards  the  declarant  saild  for  Boston,  putting 
in  at  Piscataqua  where  he  heard  some  talk  of  the  257  Bills  being  coun 
terfeited,  which  occasion'd  him  to  keep  them  by  him  ;  after  he  had  been 
to  Boston,  he  sail'd  for  Wells  where  he  met  Said  Pattin  who  askt  him 
whether  or  no  he  had  put  off  said  Bills,  who  answer'd  he  had  not,  be 
cause  of  what  he  had  heard  at  Piscataqua:  sd  Pattin  then  told  the  De 
clarant  that  John  Macdonnell  was  gone  to  Ireland  to  get  Some  Five 
pound  Bills  made  &  when  he  arriv'd  here,  that  the  declarant  should  have 
some  of  them,  paying  him  one  Half  of  what  he  put  off  as  he  had  before 
promis'd  with  respect  to  ye  five  Shillings  Bills :  That  sometime  the  last 
Fall  the  declarant  met  said  Pattin  in  Boston,  who  with  said  Macdonnell 
&  One  William  Mortimore  came  to  the  declarant's  house  &  askt  a  passage 
for  said  Mortimore  to  Wells,  who  accordingly  went  with  him  carrying 
Two  Chests  &  a  Bale  or  Two  of  Goods  which  he  landed  at  Wells ;  four 
Days  after  their  Arrival  there,  said  Mortimore  desir'd  the  declarant  to 
lodge  with  him  at  the  house  of  David  Littlefield  where  he  had  carried 
his  Chests  &  Goods,  telling  him  the  declarant,  that  he  would  acquaint 
him  with  Something  for  his  Benefit  if  he  would  be  secret :  In  the  morn 
ing  he  shew'd  him  a  Bundle  of  Five  pound  Bills  to  the  value  of  One 
hundred  pounds  in  Imitation  of  the  Bills  of  Connecticut  which  he  said 
he  brought  over  with  him,  telling  him  the  declarant  that  if  he  would  put 

104 


off  those  Bills  it  might  be  of  Service  to  them  both  he  having  enough  of 
them :  Sometime  after  in  the  same  Day,  the  declarant  met  with  the 
aforesaid  William  Pattin  who  told  him  that  what  he  zvas  telling  him  of,  some 
time  ago,  was  come,  meaning  that  the  Bills  were  come,  &  if  he  would  receive 
them  he  would  give  him  some,  upon  which  he  gave  the  declarant  to  the 
Value  of  Forty  Two  pounds  in  Five  pound  &  Ten  Shilling  Bills  telling 
him  that  it  might  be  of  Service  to  them  both  to  put  them  off,  injoining 
him  to  Secresy.  Some  days  afterwards  the  Declarant  met  with  the 
aforesaid  John  Macdonnell  in  the  Street  at  Wells,  who  told  him  that 
he  understood  he  was  acquainted  with  that  Matter,  meaning  the  Affair 
of  the  Bills,  offering  to  give  him  some  if  he  would  accept  of  them,  but 
the  declarant  told  him  he  had  enough  of  them  already,  more  than  he 
could  well  tell  what  to  do  with,  however  he  accepted  of  Twenty  Two 
Five  pound  Bills :  Two  Days  afterwards  the  declarant  came  to  sail  for 
Boston  &  tarried  there  untill  the  Spring  of  the  Year,  keeping  the  Said 
Bills  in  a  wigg  Box  in  his  Cabin,  he  then  went  to  Kennebunk,  where 
he  heard  that  Macdonnell  had  hid  some  of  the  same  Sort  of  Bills  in  a 
Sack  of  Corn  or  Meal  which  was  discover* d  by  David  Littleneld's  Wife,  upon 
which  the  aforesaid  Pattin  went  to  her  &  obtained  said  Bills  of  her, 
giving  her  something  to  keep  the  Matter  Secret  as  he  was  inform'd  by 
the  said  Pattin,  who  at  the  same  Time  ask't  this  declarant  whether  or 
no  he  had  put  off  those  Bills  he  had  of  Him  &  whether  he  had  brought 
him  the  Barrell  of  Molasses  he  desir'd,  who  told  him  he  had  not:  After 
he  had  laden  his  Sloop  with  Boards  at  Kennebunk  he  came  to  Boston 
&  tarried  Twelve  Days  where  he  had  bought  a  Cable  &  then  sail'd  for 
Rhode  Island  &  Sold  his  Boards  atNarraganset :  That  he  met  the  afore 
said  Mortimore  at  Rhode  Island  who  told  him  that  he  had  put  off  some 
of  the  Bills  there,  &  that  said  Mortimore  ship't  by  him,  three  or  Four 
hhds  of  Molasses  which  were  sold  to  Mr.  Johonnot  at  Boston  &  that 
Mortimore  came  with  him  to  Boston :  The  declarant  further  saith  that 
after  his  Arrival  in  Boston  he  offer'd  one  of  the  aforesaid  Five  pound 
Bills  to  Mr  Brewster  &  another  to  Cap*.  Winter  both  which  were  re- 
fus'd  as  not  being  good,  That  about  the  month  of  July  last  he  went  by 
Land  in  Company  with  Sd.  Mortimore  to  Wells  to  pay  some  money  he 
ow'd  there,  where  he  tarried  from  Satterday  night  untill  Monday  morn 
ing  &  then  return'd  alone  to  Boston,  upon  his  Return  home  a  man  at 
Cape  Neddick  told  him  that  one  Bragden  of  York  a  miller  had  a  con 
siderable  Quantity  of  these  new  Bills:  That  about  the  beginning  of 
August  past  he  sail'd  for  Rhode  Island  &  a  little  beyond  the  Light 
House  he  threw  overboard  all  the  aforesaid  Bills  tied  up  in  a  piece  of 
Bunting  &  a  Brick  to  sink  them,  except  Six  Five  pound  Bills  which  he 
put  off  at  Newport :  The  declarant  farther  says  that  he  saw  the  afore 
said  Mortimore  put  off  Two  Bills  of  Five  pounds  each,  one  at  Mr 
AYhiting's  &  another  at  Burden's  Ferry  on  Rhode  Island,  also  a  Ten 
Shilling  Bill  to  Mr.  Howard  at  Newport,  &  another  to  Mr  Jackson  on  the 
long  wharf e  in  Boston:  he  also  saw  him  put  off  another  Five  pound  Bill 
to  a  woman  who  kept  a  public  house  at  the  Sign  of  the  White  Horse 
between  Newbury  &  Hampton,  all  which  Bills  were  of  the  same  Sort 
of  those  he  receiv'd  of  Mortimore  &  Macdonnell.  The  declarant  further 

105 


says  that  about  the  month  of  July  last  he  receiv'd  of  sd.  Mortimore  Five 
Twenty  five  Shilling  Bills  of  the  Same  Sort  of  those  he  had  from  Pat- 
tin,  which  he  carried  with  him  to  Rhode  Island  the  last  Trip,  where  he 
put  off  one  of  them  —  all  the  others  he  tore  in  pieces  at  Sea  in  his  return 
to  Boston:  The  declarant  adds  that  he  askt  Mortimore  how  he  got 
those  Bills  made,  who  answer'd  There  were  those  in  Ireland  who  could 
do  any  Thing,  &  that  Macdonnell  had  carried  Home  a  Bill  of  each  Sort 
to  get  them  made  by ;  That  said  Mortimore  seeing  the  Declarant  have 
a  New  Three  pounds  Rhode  Island  Bill  in  his  hands,  he  desir'd  him  to 
let  him  have  it,  telling  him  it  would  be  a  good  Bill  to  carry  home  but  he 
refus'd  to  give  it  him. 

John  Davis 

Suffolk  Ss  Boston  Septbr.  i8th.  1735 
Present 

Habijah  Savage 

Sam.  Sewall 

Samuel  Adams  Jus.  Pac. 

Jn°.  Fayerweather 

Joshua  Winslow 

In  Court  of  Assize  &c  at  York  21st  June  1736. 

John  Davis  made  Oath  to  the  truth  of  the  afore  written  Declaration  by 
him  Subscribed.  Attd. 

Benja.  Rolfe    Cler  > 

The  Declaration  of  Isaac  Martin  of  Chebacco. 

Boston  Septr.  21.  1739. 
Suffolk  Ss 

Isaac  Martin  of  Chebacco  in  the  County  of  Essex  being  examined 
upon  this  Day  Sais  —  That  he  lives  at  Chebacco,  has  formerly  followed 
the  trade  of  a  Shoemaker,  but  of  late  has  kept  a  Tavern  in  Said  Town 
—  Sais  that  about  a  Year  &  half  past  he  received  of  John  Webb  Junr 
of  Salem  a  Five  pound  Bill  of  the  Colony  of  Rhoad  Island  and  gave  him 
back  in  change  three  pounds,  &  the  remaining  Forty  Shillings  he  paid 
stl  Martin  for  one  Garteron  Gennings  a  Poppet  Shower  who  had  kept 
at  sd  Martyns  house  about  a  week,  That  Sometime  after  he  had  occa 
sion  to  pay  away  sd  Five  Pound  Bill  with  other  money  but  it  was 
refused  he  then  making  Inquirey  of  Several  whither  it  was  a  Counter 
feit  or  not,  &  was  told  by  some  it  was  a  good  Bill  &  by  others  that  it  was 
a  bad  one,  but  after  en  devouring  to  put  it  of  to  one  and  another  dis- 
coverd  at  last  that  it  was  a  Counterfeit  Bill,  but  that  he  had  no  mistrust 
of  its  being  so  when  he  receivd  it  of  Webb.  He  Then  sent  to  Salem  to 
Webb  to  desire  him  to  change  sd.  Bill,  he  sent  him  word  not  to  be  un 
easy  that  he  would  change  it  —  and  sd.  Martin  Sent  Several  times  after 
wards  but  he  sent  word  he  had  not  money  to  change,  but  desird  he 
would  be  patient  and  he  should  loose  nothing  by  it  —  Said  Martin  fur 
ther  Sais  that  soon  after  he  had  receivd  the  Bill  from  Webb,  he  heard 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.x.42]. 

1 06 


that  Webb  was  apprehended  and  put  in  Goal  on  Suspition  of  being  con- 
cernd  in  the  counterfeit  Bills,  but  he  was  soon  after  out  of  Goal  on  Bail 
and  it  was  after  this  that  he  sent  to  said  Webb  to  Change  the  Five  Pound 
Bill  —  Martin  further  declares  that  sometime  after  sd.  Webb  was  out 
of  Goal,  he  went  to  Salem  to  him  to  see  if  he  would  Change  the  Bill,  he 
answered  he  had  not  TwentyShillings  about  him  &  then  gave  sd.  Martin 
a  Note  of  Hand  for  five  Pounds  Value  receivd  to  be  paid  on  Demand 
which  note  he  has  now  by  him  and  that  Mr.  William  Gott  and  David 
Glover  was  witness  to  said  note —  The  note  was  Signd  and  given  at 
the  House  of  the  wid°.  Pratt  in  Salem,  and  after  it  was  signd  said  Webb 
and  Martyn  went  into  another  Room,  and  Webb  told  him  he  ought  to 
deliver  him  the  five  Pound  Bill  which  he  pulled  out  of  his  Pocket  and 
gave  him,  but  told  him  withall  he  had  not  been  Ingenious  with  him  to 
keep  him  so  long  out  of  his  money  —  Said  Webb  answered,  Since  you 
have  been  so  ingenious  as  not  to  endevour  to  hurt  me  Relating  to  this 
Bill,  it  shal  be  a  Thousand  Pounds  in  your  way,  Said  Martyn  further 
sais  that  while  they  were  (alone)  together  in  ye  Room  that  he  told  Webb 
that  by  all  the  Circumstances  that  appeard  he  verily  believ'd  sd.  Webb 
was  concern'd  in  the  making  of  those  Counterfeit  Bills;  his  answer 
was  no  matter,  for  that  you  shall  be  the  better  for  your  Generosity,  but 
Say  nothing  to  Mr.  Gott  about  it  —  That  Sometime  after  this  He  the 
said  Martin  was  at  Salem  and  met  ye  John  Webb  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
Gillingham  the  Goal  Keeper  and  askt  him  to  pay  him  his  promisary 
note,  Webb  said  he  had  not  so  much  money  in  the  world,  but  desir'd 
Martin  to  be  patient,  it  should  be  no  loss  to  him,  &  at  the  same  time 
Said  as  he  did  also  Sundry  times  afterwards  that  in  a  little  time  he 
should  have  money  enough  that  would  be  very  good  both  for  himself 
and  Said  Martyn,  and  that  if  Martyn  desir'd  it  he  should  have  a 
Thousand  pounds  of  it,  and  he  intimated  to  Said  Martin  that  what  he 
meant  by  good  money  was  that  It  would  be  done  so  well  off  the  Plates 
as  that  it  would  not  be  discovered,  and  that  by  the  First  of  May  he 
should  be  very  full  of  Six  &  Eight  penny  Bills,  he  also  gave  said  Martyn 
to  understand  that  he  had  a  Three  Pound  Plate  of  the  Bills  of  this 
Province  but  that  they  had  struck  off  but  ten  Bills  of  sd.  Plate  to  prove 
them,  and  that  they  were  so  well  done,  that  no  one  ever  mistrusted 
them.  The  said  Martyn  further  sais  that  he  then  ask'd  him  where  he 
got  his  Plates  made  —  he  answered  at  Rhoad  Island  by  the  Ingraver 
who  made  the  Government  Plates  and  therefore  they  were  very  good 
and  exact,  but  that  they  cost  him  deer  viz.  Fifty  pounds  a  Plate,  Said 
Webb  further  said  that  the  Six  &  Eight  penny  plate  would  be  ready 
in  a  fern1,  this  he  told  Martyn  the  Latter  End  of  march  last,  and  that 
he  had  recd.  Such  advice  from  ye  Ingraver  at  Rhd.  Island  by  Letters, 
and  He  further  added,  that  if  the  letters  were  broke  open,  there  would 
have  been  no  discovery  for  that  the  Letters  were  worded  after  this 
manner,  that  when  Said  Webb  wrote  up  to  know  if  the  Plate  was  done 
it  was  in  these  Terms  to  know  if  them  goods  were  sold  he  left  with  him  &  if 
they  were  to  send  the  money  or  Send  word  when  I  can  have  the  money,  ana 
when  the  Ingraver  wrote  back,  he  was  to  write,  If  the  plate  was  done 
then  to  say  The  goods  were  sold  if  they  were  not  done  then  he  was  to  write 

107 


the  goods  were  not  sold,  but  had  a  prospect  of  selling  them  by  Such  a  Time  • — 
Martyn  further  sais  that  about  the  17  day  of  april  last  he  went  down  to 
Daman's  Cove  on  a  fishing  voiage  and  returned  again  about  the  25th  of 
may  following,  and  that  Soon  after  his  arrival  he  met  ye  said  John  Webb 
again  at  Gillinghams  house  in  Salem  and  askt  him  if  he  had  got  none  of 
the  Six  &  eight  penny  Bills  ready,  he  answered  no,  Martin  Replyd  how 
so  you  told  me  that  would  be  ready  by  the  first  of  may,  he  said  the 
reason  is  there  has  been  some  stir  Since  you  went,  and  Sanders  who 
had  kept  out  of  the  way  had  sent  word  to  ye  authority,  that  if  they 
would  admit  him  Kings  Evidence,  he  would  discover  ye  whole  affair, 
which  alarmed  one  Lewis  Guaties  of  Salem,  So  that  he  went  off  to  Cape 
Bietton  and  added  that  this  Lewis  was  the  man  who  Printed  off  the 
Bills  and  that  he  was  an  accute  cleen  hand  at  it,  and  was  to  have  struck 
off  the  Six  &  Eight  penny  Bills,  but  his  going  off,  put  a  Stop  to  that 
affair  —  but  that  he  Expected  him  every  day  home  and  that  when  he 
arrived  everything  would  soon  be  got  ready,  Sd  Martin  further  declares 
that  he  saw  Said  Webb  Sundry  times  afterwards  and  ask'd  him  whither 
Lewis  was  arrived  from  Cape  Bretton,  he  said  no,  but  was  daily  ex 
pected.  Martin  then  askt  him  if  they  could  not  be  done  without  him, 
he  Said  no  one  could  do  them  so  clean  &  well  but  that  he  expected  Him 
Every  hour  —  Martyn  further  Sais  that  Sometime  in  the  month  of 
August  last,  he  was  coming  thro'  Beverly  to  go  to  Boston  and  that  he 
met  with  John  Webb  &  Robert  Gray  of  Andover  Taylor  both  a  Horse 
Back  —  Gray  said  to  Martin  that  he  and  Webb  were  going  to  his  house 
to  discourse  him  about  those  matters,  Martin  askt  him  what  matters, 
he  answered  on  ye  old  Story  you  &  Webb  have  Talkt  of,  you  know 
what.  —  Both  Webb  &  Gray  then  Urged  that  Martyn  should  turn 
back  with  them  as  far  as  the  Sign  of  ye  Ark  in  Beverly  he  answered  he 
must  proceed  to  Boston,  his  Business  was  Urgent,  Gray  &  Webb  replyd 
that  the  main  Chance  ought  to  be  minded  as  well  as  his  particular 
affairs,  and  that  therefore  they  ought  to  stop  &  Consult  about  them  — 
Martin  then  Said  that  if  they  would  go  back  as  far  as  ye  Sign  of  the 
Sloop  which  was  about  a  mile,  he  would  Stop  Some  time  with  them, 
they  then  desired  him  to  go  there,  and  they  would  Soon  follow  him, 
which  they  did  &  came  to  him  in  about  a  quarter  of  an  Hour  —  when 
they  came  in  they  desired  Martyn  to  step  into  another  Room,  accord 
ingly  they  went  up  into  a  Chambr  &  were  together  about  £4  of  an  Hour 
—  and  for  Some  time  nothing  was  said,  each  waiting  for  the  other  to 
Speak  —  at  last  Martyn  Said  Gentlemen  what  is  your  Business  because 
I  am  in  a  Hurry  and  what  is  to  be  done  must  be  brief,  Then  Webb  an- 
swerd,  what  need  we  be  so  Strange !  why  may  we  not  talk  freely  about 
the  matters,  and  then  ask't  Martyn  if  he  had  a  plate  to  Strike  off  Bills 
by  him,  for  sais  he,  if  you  have,  Gray  can  use  it  very  well,  Martyn  an 
swered  that  he  had  none,  nor  knew  of  any,  but  told  them  he  believed 
they  had  &  that  they  were  concerned  in  the  Root  of  the  matter,  and 
that  they  could  have  what  money  they  pleas'd,  and  doubted  not  they 
could  let  him  have  what  he  wanted  and  desird  them  to  be  Ingenious 
with  him,  and  to  tel  him  whither  he  should  have  any  or  not,  they 

108 


answerd  but  coldly,  Webb  &  Gray  then  ask't  Martyn  to  let  them  se 
what  money  he  had  about  him,  which  he  did,  the  whole  not  being  more 
than  four  or  five  pounds,  but  none  of  it  Counterfeit,  to  his  knowledge, 
he  yn  desird  of  them  to  shew  what  Money  y^  had,  they  then  each  pulled 
out  a  Cleen  new  Five  pound  Bill  Rhoad  Island,  which  said  Martyn 
apprehended  were  Two  Bills  they  were  Concernd  in  the  making  of  — 
Webb  said  to  Martyn  Gray  can  show  you  something  done  acute  & 
cleen.  Grey  then  pulls  out  a  piece  of  paper  and  throws  down  on  the 
Table  with  four  names  wrote  on  it  which  he  Took  to  be  a  pattern  lor 
Signing  the  three  Pound  Bills  of  the  old  Tenour  of  this  Province,  and 
they  askt  how  Martyn  lik'd  the  writing,  he  answerd  it  was  very  good 
writing  —  Gray  then  told  Martyn  that  if  he  would  come  up  to  Andover, 
he  could  help  him  upon  which  Webb  took  Martyn  aside,  and  urged 
him  not  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  Gray,  for  altho  Gray  has  all  mat 
ters  by  him,  yet  I  shall  have  such  a  Supply  from  him  my  Self  as  will  be 
Enough  for  you  or  any  one  else  —  After  this  we  parted,  &  as  Martyn 
was  going  Gray  carryd  him  to  his  Horse  and  showd  him  a  Bundle  done 
up  in  his  great  Coat,  which  Gray  said  ivas  Paper  he  had  been  to  Boston  for, 
and  that  it  was  for  that  Use  —  and  at  Parting  Martyn  Promist  Gray 
he  would  come  to  andover  in  four  or  five  days  &  then  Martyn  proceeded 
on  his  Journey  to  Boston.  Martyn  further  declares  that  in  about  a 
week  afterwards  he  made  a  Journey  to  Andover  and  went  to  the  House 
of  Joseph  Parker  the  Under  Sherriff  and  discoursing  with  sd  Parker 
about  the  affair  of  Bills,  I  asked  him  who  had  got  the  Plate  he  said  he 
could  not  very  well  tell.  —  Martyn  then  said,  dont  you  think  Gray  has 
got  them,  he  said  he  believed  not,  Then  Martyn  said,  dont  you  think  Fry 
has  got  them  he  said  he  believed  not,  Then  said  Martyn  have  you  got 
them  or  do  you  know  who  has,  he  answerd  I  cant  tel  very  well  but  you 
are  going  down  to  Gray's  and  there  you  will  know.  From  Parkers  after 
Dinner  Martyn  went  to  make  a  visit  to  Grey's  but  he  was  not  at  home, 
but  in  the  Evening  came  home,  Martin  told  him,  he  was  come  up  ac 
cording  to  Promise  and  Askt  him  if  he  had  got  any  thing  ready,  he  then 
askt  how  much  he  wanted  Martyn  then  said  according  to  its  goodness, 
if  it  was  very  good  he  did  not  care  if  he  took  500  £.  Gray  then  said,  if 
you  will  Stay  til  the  morning,  I  will  conclude  with  you  on  some  Terms 
or  other.  Martyn  said  he  must  go  home  that  night.  Gray  urged  him 
to  tarry  all  night  which  he  did,  and  in  the  morning  Martyn  askt  Grey  if 
he  should  take  any  money  what  was  the  Terms,  he  answered  I  can  have 
two  thirds  of  the  Value  of  them  for  as  much  as  I  will.  Martyn  said  it 
is  too  much,  then  Gray  said  it  should  not  be  under  half,  Martyn  then 
told  him  it  would  not  Do  at  that  lay  —  He  then  said  what  if  you  Should 
take  ioo£  first  &  se  how  that  would  do  -  -  Martyn  Answered,  them 
terms  would  no  wise  do,  but  askt  him  to  let  him  se  the  money,  he  said 
he  had  none  by  him  but  could  have  Sum  at  any  time  when  he  would,  — 
He  further  Said  he  would  come  down  to  Martins  House  in  a  few 
days  and  bring  one  hundred  pounds  with  him,  &  Gray  was  to  take  Goods 
for  his  pay.  —  but  that  he  would  have  one  halfe  of  the  Value,  but  that 
i(  any  of  the  Bills  were  refused  he  would  change  them.  Sd.  Martin  sd. 
if  he  did  come  and  the  sd.  Martin  liked  the  Bills  he  would  take  them, 

109 


but  sd.  Gray  never  did  come  to  him.  afterwards  nor  did  the  sd.  Martin  re 
ceive  any  from  Him. 

After  this  Grey  and  Martin  went  to  Mr.  Parkers,  &  Parker  and 
Gray  went  together  into  a  Chamber,  and  were  there  about  an  hour  but 
while  they  were  together  Martin  heard  Parker  call  to  *:.  man  out  of  the 
Window  to  come  up  to  them,  and  the  Man  went  up  to  them  —  Some 
time  after  Grey  came  down  Stairs  to  Martin,  and  left  the  other  Two 
together,  Martin  then  ask'd  Grey  whether  he  intended  to  come  down 
to  Chebacco  and  bring  the  money  as  he  propos'd,  he  answerd  yes.  Soon 
after  Gray  goes  up  Stairs  and  Parker  comes  down  Martyn  then  dis 
courses  Parker  of  what  had  past  betwixt  Gray  &  him  about  the 
100  £  -  -  Martyn  then  asks  Parker  who  was  the  man  that  printed  off 
the  money,  he  answerd  you  have  seen  him  Martyn  Said  is  it  the  man 
whom  you  cal'd  in  &  is  up  Stairs  he  answerd  it  was  Parker  yn  sd  Gray 
talked  of  Going  next  [  ]  to  Rhoad  Island  to  Get  a  Couple  of 

Plates  —  and  Parker  further  Said  he  was  his  Neighbour  and  Shew'd 
Martyn  the  house  where  he  liv'd,  he  was  a  thick  full  fac'd  well  sett 
man.  and  Martin  understood  Since  his  name  was  John  Peters.  Parker 
then  said  to  Martyn,  he  could  Purchase  a  £3  Plate,  and  in  discourse  he 
said,  George  Gray  was  under  a  £1000  Bond  to  Mrs.  Harrison  of  Marble- 
head  to  return  her  a  £5-  and  a  5/  plate  and  that  he  the  Said  Parker  had 
a  Promise  of  them  together  with  the  £3.  Rhd  Island  Plate  when  Gray 
had  returnd  the  5  £  &  5/.  Plate.  Parker  And  Martin  then  went  together 
to  the  house  of  one  Fry  a  Retailer  and  soon  after  George  Gray  came  to 
them  and  while  they  were  Sitting  and  discoursing  together,  a  man 
came  into  the  Room  whom  they  cald  Mr.  Fry,  who  Staid  some  time  and 
afterwards  went  away,  then  Martyn  proceeded  on  his  Journey  home  — 
and  as  Parker  was  at  ye  same  time  going  to  Salem  they  rode  together 
about  5  miles  and  on  ye  way  he  told  Martin,  that  that  Fry  who  came 
into  Fry  the  Retailers  House  while  they  were  there  was  the  man  who 
signd  the  £5-  Rhoad  Island  Bills,  he  further  said  that  since  he  was  going 
to  Salem,  he  would  go  over  to  Marblehead  and  See  if  he  could  not  get 
the  £?  Rhoad  Island  Plates  —  and  then  they  Parted  —  Martyn  further 
declares  that  Soon  after  this,  he  being  at  Andover  went  to  the  house  of 
Mr.  Joseph  Parker  Early  in  the  Morning,  and  in  discourse  askt  if  any 
of  the  Bills  of  the  £3  plate  was  ready,  because  he  had  said  there  would 
be  some  of  ym  ready  by  that  day,  he  answerd  he  had  none,  for  yt  he  had 
not  yet  got  ye  Plate,  and  that  he  the  said  Parker  begun  to  mistrust 
whither  the  woman  Harrison  had  Such  a  Plate  —  Soon  after  this,  Martin 
saw  the  said  Parker  walking  with  the  man  whom  Parker  had  before 
told  him  was  the  Printer  of  the  Bills,  and  when  Parker  returnd  to  his 
own  House,  he  gave  a  Jogg  to  Martyn  to  goe  up  Stairs  with  him  & 
when  they  were  in  the  Chamber  Parker  puld  out  of  his  Britches  Pocket 
a  Bundle  of  Papers  which  when  opened  was  a  number  of  Rhoad  Island 
£5  Bills  Stampt  on  Square  peices  of  Paper  not  Signd  but  lookt  fresh  — 
and  the  Edges  not  Cutt  He  told  Martyn  there  was  £100  of  them  and 
then  threw  ym  into  a  lower  Draw  of  A  Chest  of  Drawers,  —  Martyn  said 
you  are  very  careless  of  them,  he  answerd  they  should  soon  be  taken 
care  of.  He  then  askt  Parker  if  they  could  be  signd  that  Day,  he  said  they 

no 


could  not  be  done  so  soon.  Presently  after  when  Parker  was  out  of  ye 
way,  he  Martyn  went  up  Stairs  Opened  the  Draw  and  took  out  ye  same 
Paper  of  Bills  and  told  them  over,  and  found  there  zvas  exactly  the  Sum  of  one 
Hundred  Pounds  unsignd  as  Parker  had  told  him.  he  put  them  again  into 
y*  draw,  and  some  time  after  Parker  went  up  stairs  and  when  he  came 
down  said  he  had  got  them  and  would  go  and  get  them  Signd,  and 
further  added  that  the  Evening  before  nothing  of  ym  was  done  —  but  yy 
zvere  Printed  off  that  night  —  and  the  said  Martyn  further  sais  he  saw  no 
more  of  ym  or  receiv'd  any  of  them  but  took  leave  of  him  &  went  home 
to  Chebacco.  Sd.  Martyn  further  adds  that  quickly  after  this  abt.  Con 
cord  Court  last  he  was  agn  at  andover  and  arrivd  there  in  ye  Evening, 
and  wrent  to  Mr.  Parkers  House,  but  he  was  not  at  home,  but  in  an 
Hour  or  two  after  he  came  in  and  presently  after  George  Gray.  Martyn 
said  to  Parker  how  do  you  do  but  he  took  no  notice  of  him.  Yn  Sd. 
Parker  took  a  Candle  &  went  up  Stairs  with  sd.  Gray  and  was  there 
some  time,  And  came  down  &  took  Martyn  into  another  Room  and 
desired  him  to  Stay  there  til  Gray  was  Gone,  —  for  he  did  not  desire  he 
should  know  there  was  any  concern  betwixt  him  and  the  said  Martyn 
and  Parker  had  some  time  before  told  Said  Martyn  that  altho  Gray  had 
the  Command  of  the  Plates,  and  had  Employd  John  Peters  to  Strike  ym  off 
And  had  the  disposall  of  the  Bills,  yet  Parker  Said  he  was  so  in  with  his 
Neighbour  the  Printer,  that  he  could  now  and  then  get  a  Parcell  from 
him  unknown  to  Gray,  and  further  adds  that  while  he  was  in  the  Evening 
at  Parkers  House  waiting  for  him  one  Jos:  Fry  came  in  to  borrow  three  or 
four  Candles,  which  was  the  Same  man  whom  Parker  told  him  was  the 
Signer  of  the  Bills,  and  Said  Martyn  apprehended  the  Candles  were 
borrowed  for  that  Use,  and  afterwards  told  Parker  he  tho't  they  were 
for  y1  use  —  who  answerd  him  you  are  right  Enough  —  Martyn  says 
yf  after  Gray  was  gone,  Parker  told  him  that  Gray  said  he  had  found 
out  where  the  £3  Plate  was  &  that  Mr.  Gauties  zvife  had  it  in  her  Posses 
sion  and  that  he  Gray  was  going  down  next  morning  to  fetch  up  both 
the  woman  &  Plate  to  andover  and  that  the  Plate  would  be  put  in  Use 
that  night  —  Early  next  morning  by  ye  Dawning  of  the  Day  Sd.  Mar 
tyn  Lodging  at  Parkers,  below  arose  and  found  Parker  coming  down 
Stairs  who  went  out  of  doors  &  was  gone  some  time  &  then  returnd 
and  went  into  the  Barr  with  a  Candle  and  lookt  over  a  Bundle  of  Papers 
which  he  had  in  his  hand,  Martyn  drawing  near  perceiv'd  they  were 
Rhoad  Island  5  £  Bills  Signd  —  Sais  to  Parker  pray  can  I  have  50  or  60  £ 
of  said  Bills  —  Parker  put  him  aside  &  with  a  low  voice  told  him  y*  he 
could  not-  for  yt  there  was  a  man  in  the  House  who  had  been  there 
Several  times  for  ym  of  whom  he  had  bought  a  Yoke  of  oxen  &  must 
oblige  him  —  Martyn  then  proceeded  on  his  Journey  home  to  Chebacco 
—  and  when  they  parted  Parker  told  him  he  was  to  come  along  in  a  few 
days  to  Mackrell  Cove  to  Serve  a  writt  returnable  to  Newbury  Court  and 
that  then  he  would  call  at  his  House  with  some  of  the  3  £  Rhd.  Island 
Bills  but  the  said  Martin  declares  he  has  not  seen  him  since  —  Martyn 
further  declares  that  John  Webb  of  Salem  told  him  if  any  one  yt  knew 


in 


of  those  Secretts  and  did  discover  ym  he  would  kill  him  if  he  lost  his 
life  by  it.  — 

Isaac  Martin 

The  foregoing  declaration  was  Taken  before  us  ye  Subscribers  ye  21 
Sept.  I739 

Sam  Sewall 

Samuel  Adams  Juss.  Pacs. 

Dan  Henchman 

Boston  Septr.  27.  1739 

Isaac  Martyn  adds  to  what  is  before  declared,  That  the  first  time  that 
He  was  at  andover  after  Gray  had  Invited  him  there,  Going  out  with 
Parker  with  a  Bridle  in  his  hand  in  order  to  catch  his  Horse  Parker 
told  him  he  was  going  to  Boston  that  afternoon  Martyn  askt  for  what? 
he  said  what  business  is  that  of  yours,  but  on  repeating  the  Question 
he  told  him  'twas  to  get  paper  —  Martyn  answerd  did  not  Gray  bring 
Paper  Enough  ye  other  day,  Parker  said  how  came  you  to  know  any 
thing  of  that  affair.  Martyn  answerd,  when  he  Parted  with  Gray  at 
Beverly  he  carryd  him  to  his  Horse  and  that  he  had  been  at  Boston 
and  had  got  Paper  Enough  and  that  Martyn  felt  of  a  Bundle  on  his 
horse  and  according  to  the  best  of  his  Judgment  he  tho't  it  to  be  paper 
as  Gray  had  said.  Parker  then  replyd  there  is  none  of  it  yet  come  to  the 
Plate  the  next  day  he  saw  Parker  and  said  to  him  he  thought  he  had 
gone  to  Boston  for  the  Paper,  no  said  he  I  am  not  gone  but  have  sent  one 
for  it,  and  have  given  a  Three  Pound  Bill  to  Purchase  it,  and  that  he 
had  Sent  to  one  of  ye  best  Stationers  in  Boston  And  therefore  should 
have  the  best  for  that  Use  — 

The  above  declaration  was  taken 
before  us  ye  Subscribers  ye  day 
above 

Sam  Sewall 

Dan  Henchman  Justce  Peace  * 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.z.43]. 


112 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON, 
NUMBER  FOUR. 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES. 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  THREE. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON, 
NUMBER  FOUR. 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES, 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  THREE. 


The  Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Boston :  Printing  Department,  October,  1903. 


CONTENTS. 


JEREMIAH  SHEPARD. 

To  the  Church  of  Christ  at  Rowley,  Dec.  2,  1674  117 

DEED  OF  SALE. 

John  Ayer  to  John  Stevens,  both  of  Salisbury,  1675,  1693  119 

TAVERN  LICENSE  OF  THOMAS  DIAMANT  ON  ISLES  OF  SHOALS, 

1684  (?)  120 

"CONTEMPTUOUS  AND  BASE  WORDS"  AGAINST  THE  KING,  DOVER, 

N.  H.,  1685  (?)  120 

PRIVY  COUNCIL,  1689. 

Action  on  Petition  of  John  Usher,  Treasurer  and  Receiver 

General  of  New  England  121 

BOSTON  FREE  GRAMMAR  SCHOOL,  1710  122 

PETITION  FOR  RENEWAL  OF  TAVERN  LICENSE,  BOSTON,  1714  ( ?)  123 
A  BUSINESS  CUSTOM  IN  BOSTON,  1719  124 

HENRY  NEWMAN. 

To  Samuel  Penhallow,  Oct.  3,  1720  125 

AN  INDIAN  AS  PROPERTY. 

William  Little  to  Samuel  Tilley,  Sept.  29,  1721  126 

HAULING  OF  MASTS  AND  TIMBER,  1730-1731. 

Ellis  Huske  to  Cornelius  Waldo  127 

IMPRESSMENT  OF  EDWARD  MAYLEM,  BOSTON,  1758. 

Deposition  of  Thomas  Dawes  128 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

To  George  William  Fairfax,  Sept.  29,  1763  130 
ISAAC  BACKUS. 

To  Benjamin  Wallin,  Nov.  16,  1764  131 

CASE  OF  THE  CHURCH  AT  CANTERBURY,  CONN.,  1768  135 

CASE  OF  THE  CHURCH  AT  CANTERBURY,  CONN.  ( ?),  1768  135 
HAYLEY  AND  HOPKINS,  OF  LONDON. 

To  John  Hancock,  July  7,  1770  136 

To  Same,  July  24,  1770  139 

IX 


HARRISON  AND  ANSLY,  OF  LONDON. 

To  John  Hancock,  Sept.  6,  1770  140 

WILLIAM  TURNER  MILLER. 

Seven  Letters  to  his  Wife,  from  the  Camp  before  Boston, 

1775  HI 

WILLIAM  BANT. 

Five  Letters  to  John  Hancock,  Rehoboth  and  Boston, 

1776,  1777  147 

"RAISING"  OF  BILLS  OF  CREDIT,  1776. 

Confessions  of  James  Roby  153 

HENRY  KNOX. 

To  Henry  Jackson,  Aug.  20,  1777  155 

NATHANIEL  APPLETON. 

To  -    -  Lovell,  April  28,  1778  157 

WILLIAM  DONNISON. 

To  D wight  Foster,  July  20,  1779  158 

BOUNTIES  TO  SOLDIERS  AND  DEPRECIATION  OF  THE  CONTINEN 
TAL  CURRENCY,  1780  159 

SAMUEL  COLEMAN. 

To  Dwight  Foster,  March  19,  1780  161 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

To  Topping  Reeve,  Jan.  16,  1781  163 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 

To  Arthur  Lee,  May  13,  1781  164 

ABIEL  FOSTER. 

To  M.  Weare,  Oct.  23,  1783  165 

JOSHUA  BARNEY. 

To  Robert  Lewis,  Aug.  9,  1789  166 

HENRY  BATES. 

To  Ephraim  Prescott  &  Co.,  Aug.  20,  1795  167 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 

To ,  Feb.  24,  1797  168 

From  his  Wife,  April  5,  1813  170 

ROBERT  MORRIS. 

To  John  Nicholson,  April  22,  1799  171 

JOHN  LANGDON. 

To  Joseph  W hippie,  March  9,  1800  172 


JEREMIAH    SHEPARD. 


Letter  of  the  Rev.  Jeremiah  She par d  to  the  Church  of  Christ 
at  Rowley,  1674. 

December  2.  1674 
To  ye  Church  of  christ  at  Rowly 

Beloved  friends. 

It  is  now  two  years  since  I  was  solicited  by  the  reverend  Mr  Philips 
(he  being  an  Agent  as  he  informed  me)  In  your  names  and  behalf  to 
Assist  himselfe  In  communicating  gods  message  to  this  Ch.  and  towne. 
I  was  really  sensible  of  my  Incapacity  for  soe  high  and  divine  a  calling, 
and  theirfore  upon  mature  deliberation  I  was  utterly  averse  from  enter 
taining  such  a  motion  but  the  Reverend  Mr  Phillips  (who  being  allto- 
gether  unsensible  of  my  unfittness  for  soe  difficult  an  undertaking)  Im- 
portund  me  once  and  againe  both  by  word  of  mouth  and  writing  to  afford 
him  Aid  and  Assistance,  modestly  pleading  his  own  Inability  to  maniage 
soe  great  a  work :  and  though  he  might  have  Applyed  himself  to  many 
others  who  were  more  suitably  qualifyed  to  Answere  his  expectations,  yet 
he  was  pleased  to  expresse  a  more  earnest  desire  to  close  with  my  self  then 
Any  other;  whose  love  &  Affection  I  did  gratefully  Acknowledg;  And 
with-all  ye  Rd  Mr  Phillips  Acquainted  me  with  the  unanimity  of  your 
selves  In  giving  me  a  call  declaring  how  desireous  you  were  to  Accom 
plish  your  Aimes  herein,  which  Importunity  of  yours  I  coold  Imagine  to  be 
nothing  Else  but  a  Zeale  without  knowledge,  I  feared  that  your  affection 
for  my  self  did  transcend  your  reason,  you  having  by  good  experience 
found  the  benefit  of  my  brothers  labours,  I  Imagined  that  thatt  might 
enduce  you  to  expect  the  like  benif  [it]  and  blessing  from  my  self,  or  at 
least  somewhatt  Answerable  theirto,  but  being  conscious  of  my  Incapacity 
to  Answere  soe  high  expectations,  and  alsoe  fearing  that  which  I  now  feel 
and  find  here,  vid.  that  your  selves  being  frustrated  of  your  too  too  high 
expectations  this  woold  be  a  meanes  to  diminish  that  pretend [ed]  love, 
and  overflowing  Zeale  and  affection,  and  by  this  meanes  I  shoold  be  de 
prived  of  a  lively  hood  elsewhere,  and  soe  left  In  a  worse  Condition  then 
you  found  me  In :  But  yet  Imploring  direction  from  the  wise  orderer  and 
disposer  of  all  events,  my  heart  was  enclined  to  dedicate  my  self  to  his 
service  among  yourselves,  sundry  rationall  considerations  theirto  me 
moving,  tho  I  had  an  Invitation  at  the  same  time  to  another  place  whose 

117 


promises  for  outward  Accommodations  were  higher  than  my  deserts,  soe 
that  I  came  heither  no  wayes  to  enrich  my  self  but  to  be  Instrumentall 
under  god  to  promote  his  glory,  and  your  edification  and  salvation,  and 
my  own  eternall  comfort  and  glad  Account  at  thatt  great  daye.  Having 
lived  and  laboured  thus  long  amonghst  you  dissatisfaction  by  particular 
members  hath  soe  far  manifested  It  self  as  to  the  blasting  of  credit  and 
blunting  the  edge  of  my  ministry  and  preventing  my  desire  In  enjoying 
god  In  all  his  ordinances  amonghst  you.  I  coold  not  but  take  notice  of 
gods  humbling  providence  therein,  their  fore  my  humble  request  is  (that, 
as  I  have  been  allwaies  ready  to  manifest  my  love  and  service  upon  all 
occasions)  soe  there  may  be  such  a  retaliation  of  love  as  to  grant  me  leave 
to  vindicate  my  Innocency  wheir  I  am  wronged,  and  to  give  glory  to  god 
by  Acknowledgment  wheirin  I  have  transgressed,  that  if  their  be  any 
thing  that  is  a  real  Scandall,  and  ground  of  offence,  I  might  have  cogni 
zance  theirof  that  there  might  be  amendment  for  the  future ;  that  soe  as  I 
came  to  you  In  love  soe  I  might  be  lovingly  dismissed  from  you ;  I  am  not 
Ignorant  that  their  be  many  false  and  scandalous  reports  Hatched  in  the 
brests  of  unkind  Neighbours,  wheirby  Satan  woold  make  me  utterly 
uncapable  of  serving  god  In  my  generation,  but  being  fully  perswaded  of 
my  Innocency,  especially  with  respect  to  any  known  breaches  of  Rule,  I 
can  the  more  confidently  stand  up  In  the  vindication  of  my  self  against 
all  unjust  Accusations ;  I  desire  with  paul  soe  to  exercise  my  self  as  to  have 
a  conscience  void  of  offence  towards  god  and  towards  man,  and  if  offences 
are  unjustly  taken  up  by  men  I  shall  make  it  my  study  to  please  god 
Instead  of  men.  I  desire  to  presse  after  truth  and  peace ;  that  the  Answers 
of  those  prayers  that  have  been  poured  out  for  a  good  success  upon  my 
weak  endeavours  may  redound  to  the  rejoycing  of  all  our  soules  In  the  day 
of  the  lord  is  my  earnest  request ;  the  lord  of  truth  and  peace,  who  is  love 
It  self,  reduce  us  all  to  truth  and  peace,  and  love,  and  maintain  the  Integ 
rity  of  those  who  are  yet  stedfast,  and  keep  us  all  guiltlesse  of  the  scandalls 
and  divisions  of  this  Age,  that  we  may  enjoy  the  comfort  of  Unity  and 
Amity  as  on  earth,  soe  more  perfectly  In  heaven,  soe  I  hartily  pray  who 
am  an  unfeigned  desirer  of  the  promoting  of  your  faith  obedience  and 
salvation. 

Jeremiah  Shepard.1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.A.2]. 


DEED  OF  SALE  BY 

JOHN  AVER  TO  JOHN  STEVENS,  BOTH 
OF  SALISBURY. 


These  presents  wittness  that  I  John  Ayre  of  the  Towne  of  Salisbury 
in  New-England,  planter  have  sold  unto  John  Stevens  of  the  same  Town, 
planter,  my  new  dwelling  house :  &  house  lott,  containing  by  estimation 
Four  Acres  more  or  less,  lying  betweene  the  house  lotts  of  the  above  sayd 
John  Stevens  &  Danniell  Ladd :  more  over,  i  have  sold  unto  the  said  John 
Stevens  all  my  right  &  interest  of  comonage  wth  in  the  bounds  of  the 
above  sayd  towne  of  Salisbury :  all  the  above  sayd  premises  convey  to  him 
&  his  heirs  forever.  Wittness  my  hand  this :  John  Ayer 

Wittness  Thomas  Whittier. 

I  Thomas  Bradbury  did  wright  the  above  bill  of  sale  as  wittness  my 
name  Tho.  Bradbury. 

Entered  &  recorded  in  the  county  Records  of  Norfolk  (libr  ye  Pa : 
15  :)  ye  ioth  of  June  1675,  as  attest 

Tho  Bradbury. 

The  deposition  of  Thomas  Whittier  aged  abought  73  years,  who 
sayth,  he  being  at  the  hous  of  John  Ayer  of  Salsbury,  said  Ayer  sold  John 
Stevens,  same  standing  between  thayr  two  houson,  caled  me  to  them  and 
Ayer  totilcl  me  he  had  sould  his  hous  and  hous  lot,  and  all  his  common- 
rights  tharunto  belonging  in  Salisbury  to  John  Stevens,  and  desired  me  to 
set  hand  as  a  witnes  to  this  instrument  which  I  did  and  I  saw  John  Ayer 
sign  and  deliver  it  to  John  Stevens  as  his  act  and  deed  and  do  know  it  to 
bee  my  own  hand  writing  which  is  there  Reten  and  this  was  46  years  ago 
or  upward. 

Thomas  Whittier  Sr  made  oath  that  w*  is  above  written  is  ye  truth, 
taken  June  16,  1693  before  me 

Nath :  Saltonstall,  Justice  of  Peace. 


119 


TAVERN  LICENSE  OF  THOMAS 
DIAMANT  ON  THE  ISLES  OF  SHOALS, 


l684(?) 


New  Hampshire 

Memorandum,  That  the  15th  Day  of  September  in  ye  35th  year  of  the 
Raign  of  our  Sover'  Lord  Charles  the  Second  &c.  came  before  me  Edward 
Cranfield  Esqr  His  Mats  Lieuten*.  Governour  &  Commander  in  Chief  of 
this  His  sd.  Province,  —  Thomas  Diamant  —  of  the  South  half  of  the 
Isles  of  Sholes,  And  acknowledeged  by  way  of  Recognizance  to  ow  &  be 
indebted  to  ye  same  our  Sover'  Lord  the  King  ye  sum  of  Ten  pounds  of 
lawful  mony  of  New  England  upon  ye  condition  following  viz : 

That  he  the  sd  Thomas  Diamant  shall  well  behave  himself  in  the 
Tavern  to  which  he  is  licensed  by  a  writing  under  my  hand  &  seal  bearing 
even  date  herewith;  Without  suffering  unlawful  games  or  meetings  or 
other  disorders,  &  without  selling  any  strong  liquour  to  any  Indian  what 
soever  ;  &  that  he  shall  put  in  every  barrell  he  shall  brew  two  bushels  of 
good  malt;  during  the  sd  License,  Which  sd  Ten  pounds  he  is  content 
shall  be  levied  on  his  lands  tenements  goods  £  chattels,  if  he  shall  happen 
to  make  default  in  the  premisses. 

Edw.  Cranfield1 


"CONTEMPTUOUS  AND  BASE  WORDS" 

AGAINST  THE  KING,  IN  DOVER,  NEW 

HAMPSHIRE,    l685(?). 


New  Hampshire 

Memorandm  That  the  Fifteenth  day  of  September  in  ye  36th  year  of  the 
Reign  of  our  Sover'  Lord  Charles  ye  Second  King  of  England  &c.  came 
before  us  Walter  Barefoote,  Richard  Chamberlain,  &  James  Sherlock 
Esqs.  His  Mats  Justices  of  Peace  for  ye  sd  Province,  John  Roberts  of  Dover 
in  ye  sd  Province  yeoman ;  And  acknowledged  to  ow  &  be  indebted  to  our 
sd  Sovereign  Lord  ye  King  His  heirs  £  successors  ye  sum  of  Five  hundred 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.E.u.g]. 
1 2O 


pound  of  lawful  money  of  New  England,  upon  condicon  That  he  ye  sd 
John  Roberts  shall  make  his  personal  appearance  at  ye  next  Quart1"  Ses 
sions  of  the  Peace  for  ye  sd  Provce  &  to  answer  for  his  contemptuous  & 
base  words,  in  saying,  That  if  he  had  Maior  Waldrons  Warrant,  he  would 
imprison  ye  King,  &  such  other  matters  of  Misdemeanour  as  shall  be 
obiected  against  him  on  His  Mats  behalf,  And  not  depart  without  leave  of 
ye  Court :  And  in  ye  mean  time  to  be  of  the  Good  behaviour  toward  His 
&,  all  His  Subiects. 

Walter  Barefoote  just-P. 

R.  Chamberlain  Just  P. 

James :  Sherlock  Just :  P. 1 


ACTION  OF  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL 
ON  THE,  PETITION  OF  JOHN   USHER, 
TREASURER  AND  RECEIVER  GENER 
AL  OF  NEW  ENGLAND,  1689. 


Att  the  Court  att  Hampton  Court 
the  26th  of  September  1689. 
By  the  Kings  most  Excellent  Ma^ :  &  the  Lords 
of  His  Mats :  most  honble :  Privy  Councill. 

Vpon  reading  this  day  at  the  Board  the  Petition  of  John  Vsher,  setting 
forth.  That  the  Petr :  being  Treasurer  &  Receiver  Generall  of  His  Mats : 
Revenue  in  New-England,  severall  Persons  there  in  a  tumultuous  manner 
(after  having  seized  &  imprisoned  the  Governour,  &  many  of  such  as 
acted  by  Comission  under  him)  have  taken  the  Governm't :  into  their  own 
hands,  Called  the  Petr.  to  account  for  all  the  money  received  &  dispursed 
by  him  —  by  vertue  of  his  Commission,  that  the  Petr.  not  thinking  their 
Authority  Legall  is  come  to  render  an  account  of  the  said  Revenue  to  the 
Lords  Commrs.  of  his  Mats :  Treasury :  —  and  that  since  his  arrival  he  is 
informed  by  Letters  from  New  England,  that  severall  persons  who  have 
debts  Due  to  them  from  the  Publick  Revenue  have  Comenced  suits  against 
the  Petr.  Whereupon  the  Courts  of  Judicature  Errected  by  the  pretended 
Magistrates  of  Boston  have  given  Judgem1 :  against  him,  &  that  he  dayly 
expects  to  hear  that  Execution  has  been  issued  against  his  Estate,  &  that 
others  have  also  comenced  severall  suits  against  the  Petr :  upon  the  same 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.E.n.ii]. 

121 


Pretence  whereby  his  Estate  will  be  Lyable  to  above  three  thousand  pounds 
debts,  which  were  Contracted  by  the  Government  in  defence  of  the  Coun 
try  against  the  Indians,  &  French,  and  wherein  the  Petr :  was  not  any 
wayes  concerned;  By  which  Proceedings  his  Estate  during  his  absence 
may  be  torne  in  peices,  &  he  at  the  same  time  accomptable  to  his  Maty :  for 
all  money  received  by  him,  without  regard  to  the  unwarrantable  Proceed 
ings  of  the  Present  Authority  in  New  England,  And  therefore  praying 
that  his  Maty.  would  be  pleased  to  give  Orders  that  he  may  not  be  molested 
in  his  Estate  or  Person,  for  any  such  Debts  contracted  upon  the  publick 
account  or  for  moneys  received  or  paid  by  him  in  the  Execution  of  his 
office  for  which  he  stands  accountable  to  his  Maty ;  in  his  Exchequer,  he 
being  ready  to  abide  his  Mats.  Determination  therein,  and  give  Security 
for  the  Ballance  of  His  Accounts ;  His  Maty :  in  Councill  was  pleased  to 
order,  and  it  is  hereby  ordered  accordingly,  that  the  said  John  Vsher  be 
not  molested  or  troubled  in  his  Person  or  Estate  upon  the  account  of  his 
Being  Treasurer  and  Receiver  Generall  of  his  Mats :  Revenue  in  New 
England  untill  his  Mats :  Pleasure  be  further  knowne,  Whereof  the  Magis 
trates  at  Boston  in  New  England  and  all  others  there  whom  it  may  any 
wayes  concerne  are  to  take  notice  and  yield  due  obedience  to  this  his  Mats. 
Royall  Will  &  Pleasure. 

Cha:  Montague.1 


BOSTON  FREE  GRAMMAR  SCHOOL, 

iyiO. 


Boston,  9°  March,  1709/10. 

In  pursuance  of  a  Vote  of  the  Town  of  Boston,  Appointing  Us  a  Com 
mittee  to  Consider  of  the  Affairs  relating  to  the  Free  Grammar  Schoole  in 
the  said  Town. 

We  have  discoursed  with  Mr.  Williams  the  present  master,  of  whose 
Qualifications  and  fitness  for  that  Imploiment,  we  take  for  granted, 
everybody  must  be  abundantly  satisfied. 

He  Expresses  a  good  Inclination  to  the  Worke,  and  his  Resolution 
intirely  to  Devote  himselfe  thereto,  If  the  town  please  to  Encourage  his 
continuance  therein,  by  allowing  him  a  competent  Salary,  that  he  may 
support  his  Family,  and  Granting  him  an  Assistant. 

He  is  very  sensible  of  the  Advantage  of  the  Assistance  lately  afforded 
him,  both  with  respect  to  his  Health,  and  also  as  to  the  schollars. 

We  are  of  Opinion  the  Worke  of  that  Schoole  do's,  necessarily  re 
quire  the  Attendance  of  a  Master  and  an  Usher,  and  it  seem's  Impracticable 
for  one  person  alone,  well  to  oversee  the  manners  of  so  great  a  number 
of  Schollars  (oft  times  more  than  a  hundred)  To  hear  their  daily  exer- 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.E.n.isJ. 

122 


cises,  and  Instruct  them  to  that  degree  of  profiting,  which  otherwise  may 
be  with  an  Assistant. 

We  Recommend  it  to  the  Town  to  Encourage  Mr.  Williams's  Con 
tinuance  in  the  Schoole,  by  Advancing  his  Salary  to  the  Sum  of  one  Hun 
dred  pounds  cj)9  annum,  which  we  thinke  to  be  a  Modest  Demand,  and  to 
Grant  him  the  Assistance  of  an  Usher,  at  the  Towns  charge. 

In  which  we  have  the  concurrent  Opinion  and  Advice  of  ye  Revd. 
Ministers. 

We  further  Propose  and  Recommend,  as  of  great  Service  and  Advan 
tage  for  the  promoting  of  Diligence  and  good  Literature,  That  the  Town, 
agreeably  to  the  Usage  in  England,  and  (as  we  understand)  in  some  time 
past  practised  here,  Do  Nominate  and  Appoint  a  certain  number  of  Gentle 
men,  of  Liberal  Education,  Together  with  some  of  the  Revd.  Ministers 
of  the  Town,  to  be  Inspectors  of  the  said  Schoole,  under  that  Name,  Title 
or  Denomination,  To  Visit  the  Schoole  from  time  to  time,  when  and  as  oft 
as  they  shall  thinke  fit,  To  Imforme  themselves  of  the  Methods  used  in 
Teaching  of  the  Schollars,  and  to  Inquire  of  their  proficiency,  and  be 
present  at  the  performance  of  some  of  their  Exercises,  the  master  being 
before  notified  of  their  coming;  and  with  him  to  consult  and  advise  of 
further  Methods  for  the  Advancement  of  Learning  and  the  good  Govern 
ment  of  the  Schoole. 

And  at  their  said  Visitation,  One  of  the  Ministers,  by  turn's,  to  pray 
with  the  Schollars,  and  Entertain  'em  with  some  Instructions  of  Piety, 
specially  adapted  to  their  age  and  Education. 

The  Inspectors  also,  with  the  Master,  to  Introduce  an  Usher,  upon 
such  Salary  as  the  Town  shall  agree  to  Grant  for  his  Service. 

All  which  is  Submitted  to  Consideration. 

By  the  Unanimous  consent  of  the  committe  and  in  their  behalfe 
signed  by 

Wait  Winthrop. 


PETITION  FOR  THE  RENEWAL  OF  A 
TAVERN  LICENSE,    I7I4(?). 


To  the  Worshipfull  her  Ma** 
Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the 
County  of  Suffolk  and  the 
Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Boston. 
The  Humble  Petition  of  John  Wallis  Vintner  and 
Henry  Whitton  Wine  Cooper  both  of  Boston 
SHEWETH 

That    Whereas    your    Petitioner    John    Wallis    Somtime 
Since  Arrived  here  from  London  was  Favoured  with  a  Licence  to  keep  a 

123 


house  of  Common  Entertainment  in  Boston  aforesaid,  but  Some  disorders 
hapning  in  his  house  his  Licence  is  laid  aside. 

Now  thus  it  is  your  Petrs :  Served  an  Apprenticeship  of  Seven  years 
to  a  Vintner  in  London  of  which  Compa  he  is  made  free  &  he  has  no  other 
way  for  a  livelyhood ;  Who  has  also  been  at  very  great  Expence  for  hous- 
hold  goods  &  all  other  Necessarys  for  the  Carrying  on  his  Trade  &  busi 
ness  here.  And  having  an  Aged  Mother  who  is  unable  to  help  her  Selfe 
in  the  least  her  whole  dependence  being  upon  him  for  a  Support 

The  Denying  of  which  Licence  (in  the  present  Circumstances  he  is 
under)  will  inevitably  bring  Ruine  &  Misery  upon  him 

For  what  disorders  have  been  your  Petrs:  cannot  in  any  manner 
Justify  but  are  really  Sensible  of  the  Evil  and  in  Conveniencys  there  of 
And  for  the  Future  Resolve  with  all  Strictness  to  Observe  the  good  and 
wholsome  Laws  and  Orders  of  this  Province  &  Town  Especially  those 
relating  to  Publick  houses 

Your  Petitioners  Humbly  pray  the  premisses  being  Duly  Considered 
that  they  may  have  Licence  granted  them  to  keep  a  house  of  Common 
Entertainment  as  heretofore. 

And  yor  Petitioners  as  in  Duty  bound  Shall  ever  pray  &ca. 

John  Wallis.  * 


A  BUSINESS  CUSTOM  IN  BOSTON, 


1719. 


Boston  November  4th  1719 

The  Subscribers  -  -  do  each  for  themselves  Severally  declare  that 
they  are  Well  Acquainted  with  the  Method  and  Order  of  Book-keeping 
&  the  usage  &  Custom  of  Merchts.  &  yt  in  Such  Cases  where  two  Shop 
keepers  buy  Goods  of  a  Merchant  (he  knowing  them  to  be  Seperate 
Shopkeepers  &  Traders)  the  Custom  &  usage  is  not  to  Charge  ym 
jointly  but  each  person  with  his  or  her  Proportion,  unless  they  are  told 
by  the  Creditor  y*  he  expects  ym  to  Stand  Security  for  each  Other ;  and 

1  Henry  Whitten  was  admitted  by  the  Selectmen  as  an  inhabitant  of  Bos 
ton,  July  21,  1712,  and  John  Wallrs,  one  year  later,  July  14,  1713.  On  the  same 
day  the  Selectmen's  Records  show  that  "Robert  Rudgate  and  John  Wallise  in 
partnership  are  allowed  by  the  Selectmen  as  an  Inholder  at  Some  convenient 
House  where  the  Selectmen  Shall  approve"  About  a  year  later,  July  26,  1714, 
the  Records  contain  this  entry:  "The  Reasons  given  by  the  Sel.  men  of  their 
Objections  agt  the  Renewall  of  Robert  Rudgate  and  John  Wallises  Lycence, 
the  Sd  Rudgates  being  gon,  and  the  Sd  Wallis  his  not  keeping  good  Rule  and 
order,  and  not  being  Sutably  provided  as  the  Law  directs."  There  is  no  record 
of  the  renewal  of  Wallis's  licence  and  Henry  Whitten's  name  is  never  asso 
ciated  with  that  of  Wallis.  The  date  of  the  petition  is  thus  determined  to  be 
1714. 

124 


always  where  the  Entries  are  made  in  the  Creditors  books  Jointly  or 
in  Compa.  there  the  Receipts  for  Payments  given  should  mention  For 
Goods  sold  in  Compa.  Otherwise  such  Receipts  will  Imply  they  are 
made  Debtors  separately  and  are  sufficient  Grounds  for  the  Debtors 
to  conclude  they  are  Charged  Seperately  in  the  Merchts.  Books.  And 
the  Deponts.  farther  Say,  y1  is  not  usual  in  such  Cases  to  read  the 
Entries  to  the  buyers  out  of  the  book  at  the  Time  of  Sale;  But  the 
usual  Method  is  to  write  out  the  bill  of  parcell  and  Send  it  home  with 
the  Goods  that  So  the  buyers  may  Compare  &  See  that  the  Goods  agree 
therewith.  —  and  as  to  bills  of  Parcell  in  Such  Cases  nothing  is  more 
Common  than  to  make  them  out  sold  such  &  such  Jointly  &  yet  make 
each  Person  Debt1".  For  his  or  her  particular  part  thereof  in  the  Books 
&  farther  these  Deponts.  Say  not. 
William  Clark 

The  Substance  of  what  is  above  written 

is  ye  Usual  practise  among  Merchts. 

and  Shopkeepers  here.  — 

Wm.  Welsteed 

James  Leblond  Wm.  Harris  Peter  Luce 

Henry  Guionneau  Wm.  Clark  Thomas  Wroe 

David  Jeffries  Wm.  Franklyn  Philip  Burger 

Oliver  Noyes  Jacob  Wendell  Theo  Lillie 

Stephen  Minot  Junr.       Samuel  Keeling  Jn°  Wheelwright 

John  Colman  John  Ellis  Sam1.  Sewall  * 

Philip  Hodman  Richard  Bill 


HENRY  NEWMAN. 


Henry  Newman  to  Samuel  Penhalloiv. 

Middle  Temple  London 
3d.  Octobr.  1720 
Sir 

I  receiv'd  the  Letter  of  Instructions  of  the  22d  of  July  last  sign'd  by 
your  self  Mr  Jaffrey,  Mr.  Peirce,  &  Mr  Sherbury  as  a  Committee  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  N.  Hampshire,  and  have  wrote  to  His  Excellcy  and 
Col.  Went  worth  what  I  have  done  thereon  which  I  doubt  not  but  they 
will  acquaint  you  with,  and  I  shall  conform  my  self  to  the  Directions 
therein  as  to  other  matters  recomended  to  me  with  all  the  fidelity  &  skill 
I  am  capable  of. 

As  to  the  100  1.  which  you  inform  me  is  voted  by  the  Governm*.  as  an 
Earnest  of  their  respect  to  me  on  this  occasion,  pray  make  my  thankfull 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.n8]. 

125 


acknowledgemts.  to  the  Assembly  for  it,  and  be  pleas'd  to  let  10  1.  of  it  be 
apply'd  in  the  following  manner  viz.  6  1.  as  Col.  Wentworth  &  the  Com- 
itee  shall  agree  in  wishing  Prosperity  to  the  Province  not  forgetting  our 
most  Gracious  Sovereign  &  Govr.  Shute :  And  the  other  4  1.  to  Mr  Wal- 
dron  as  a  gratuity  for  his  trouble  in  passing  my  Comission,  but  if  that  be 
short  of  the  Fees  usual  in  such  Cases  pray  advance  what  you  think  fit,  it 
shall  be  thankfully  allow'd. 

The  remainder  I  have  no  Prospect  at  present  of  drawing  for,  but 
shall  be  obliged  to  you  if  you  can  get  a  Bill  on  as  good  Terms  as  you  can 
by  the  first  opportunity,  for  I  find  it  as  difficult  to  meet  with  People  here 
that  are  willing  to  take  up  Money  in  N.  Engld.  upon  Exchange  as  it  can 
be  there. 

Pray  assure  the  Comittee  of  both  Houses  of  my  most  humble  respect, 
and  be  assur'd  that  I  am  Sir 

Yor  most  humble  Servant 
Henry  Newman  x 


AN  INDIAN  AS  PROPERTY,   I  72  I. 


William  Little  to  Samuel  Tilley. 

N°.  Carolina  Sep*.  29th.  1721 
Sr. 

Your  lettr.  14th.  April  last  which  you  wrote  to  Govr.  Eden  by  order 
of  the  Super1".  Court  he  rec.  and  answd.  but  desird.  me  to  Inform  my  Self 
in  the  matter  &  give  a  fuller  Answer  ;Col° :  Moor  lives  in  Bath  Town  and 
when  I  was  there  last  Winter  I  heard  severall  people  talk  of  the  Indian 
you  wrote  of  and  they  all  condemd.  Coll0.  Moor  in  the  affair  &  by  what 
I  rember  &  then  heard  even  if  the  Indian  had  been  made  a  slave  att 
So.  Carolina  of  which  I  am  able  to  say  nothing  yet  Mr.  Stone  that  Coll0. 
Moor  had  him  of  had  no  right  to  him  but  by  an  unfair  practice  the 
Indian  also  having  then  a  master  in  the  Country  who  he  told  Sev11. 
people  ho  was  Coming  to  viz  Mr.  Willm.  Badham  a  merch*.  here  but  was 
kidnap*,  as  I  may  Call  it  by  them  from  whom  he  escapd.  to  N :  Engld. 
1  have  been  going  into  that  County  all  this  Sumr.  but  hitherto  diverted 
where  I  wd.  have  Informd.  my  Self  particularly  in  the  Affair  which 
when  I  was  there  ye  mattr.  not  Concern^,  me  And  ye  Indian  got  Clear 
I  did  not  so  fully  Charge  my  memory  with  it  as  to  pretend  to  give  an 
Exact  Ace*,  of  the  matter  &  your  Court  drawg.  near  I  would  not  Omitt 
Writing  someth*.  to  you  on  ye  affair  &  I  do  the  readier  to  take  An  op 
portunity  of  recomending  Mr.  Badhams  Case  to  the  Consideration  of 
the  Court  which  I  begg  youd.  in  a  proper  manner  Show  them  Mr. 
Badham  paid  a  Sum  in  Boston  for  this  Indian  to  redeem  him  out  of 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.E.n.27]. 
126 


Goal  which  he  was  to  Serve  out  as  you'l  see  by  ye  lustrum*.  Mr.  Allin 
will  produce  nor  will  ye  Indian  deny  it  —  Accordingly  he  Came  in  his 
Service  but  in  a  Short  Time  was  taken  by  ye  Pirates  &  Carryd.  to  S°. 
Carolina  &  when  he  Came  back  he  would  have  come  to  Mr.  Badham 
to  have  servd.  his  time  out  but  Cap*.  Stone  &  Coll0.  Moor  pretendd.  to 
make  a  slave  of  him  &  if  he  be  freed  as  in  Justice  he  ought  &  I  doubt  not 
but  he  will  it  will  be  but  Justice  &  reasonble.  he  shd.  repay  Mr.  Badham 
&  if  the  Judges  mov3  him  to  it  I  believe  he  will  which  will  prev1.  further 
Charge  &  trouble  on  him 

I  am  Sr. 

yr.  humble  Serv*. 

Wm.  Little. 

Addressed  to  "Mr.  Samuel  Tilley,  Clerk  of  ye  Super.  Court,  Boston. 
Reed  March  7  1721  of  Mr.  Allen"  1 


HAULING  OF  MASTS  AND  TIMBER, 

1730-31, 


Ellis  Huske  to  Cornelius  Waldo. 

Portsm0:  Febry:  8.  1730/1 
Mr :  Cornel8 :  Waldo. 

Sr: 

This  ins4 :  recd :  yrs.  Thursday  last  I  came  down  from  the  Mast- 
country  where  the  Success  is  as  follows.  Majr.  Gerrish  has  28  trees 
hawl'd  to  the  Water  side.  20  of  em  are  small  Masts  under  29  inc.  diamtr : 
8  Bowsprits  2  of  wch :  about  32  inc.  Diamtr :  ye  rest  small  ones  from  26 
inc.  downards :  Mr.  Chestley  has  to  the  water  side  5  Masts  from  29  to  33 
inc:  diamtr:  &  2  large  Masts  hawl'd  1/2  way  so  that  they  can  be  sumer 
hawl'd  one  of  36  ye  other  of  34  inc :  diamtr :  these  are  w* :  I've  seen,  wch 
promise  to  be  sound,  the  sudden  thaugh  I'me  afraid  will,  put  a  stop  to 
their  winter  bawling  for  this  Season,  especially  for  the  great  trees  so  that 
you  needn't  be  under  a  very  great  concern  for  the  extra  prize  they've  a 
hard  Bargain  I  perceive  in  bawling  ym  18  miles  5  of  wch.  a  new  way  to 
each  large  tree  he  has  a  sufficiency  of  oxen  men  &ca.  &  had  the  Season 
contin'd  10  days  longer  in  all  probability  there  wd  ve  been  gott  out  3  :  37inc. 
Mast.  —  I  purpose  to  see  Majr.  Gerrish  in  a  day  or  two  &  shall  Know  w1 
supplys's  wanting  I  can  furnish  him  wth :  any  thing  but  money,  I  do 
Ashure  I  shod  be  glad  I  could  comply  wth.  yr  Request  but  haven't  taken 
but  307  since  I  leavt  you  last,  so  I'll  leave  you  to  Judge  ye  Scarceity  of 
money  in  these  parts  alltho.  I've  Sold  £600  of  goods.  I've  supply'd  Mr. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.F.i.22J. 

127 


Chestly  wth.  Rum  &  Molasses  value  £51. .9.9  &  Slade  £100  in  Rum  &ca. 
&  wants  daily  for  his  Timber  chop8. 

There's  hawl'd  down  to  ye  River  side  300  tons  of  Oak  timb'r  ready 
convert'd  &  plank  sufficient  likewise,  (wch:  I  think  without  fault),  'tis 
Mr.  Slades  opinion  that's  much  better  to  ship  off  this ;  yn  that  wch  is  all- 
ready  down  (it  being  far  better.)  Mr.  Hope's  ship  is  not  lanch'd;  as  we 
daily  expect  the  Rivers  to  open  shall  be  ready  to  supply  ym  faster  yn  they 
can  load,  it  wou'd  be  considerably  for  yr  interest  to  put  this  Clause  in  yr. 
agreement  for  his  ships  Compa.  to  fetch  ye  timb'r  down  from  ye  Landing 
place  wch :  they  are  to  take  in  it's  what's  been  ye  practice  in  this  River, 
there'll  be  wanting  shortly  3  Coils  of  2-1/2  inc.  Raft  rope  twice  Laid,  for 
ye  Timber.  The  weather  lately  having  been  severe  there's  but  little  done 
further  to  ye  ships  yn  w"  I  wrote  you  last.  I  note  w*  you  say  in  Respect  to 
Tafferill  &  Lyon.  I  remark  likewise  ye  Hint  you  give  me  about  Masts 
being  gott  so  Easy  to  ye  Southr'd  &  Colin1.  Westbrooks  success,  I  hope  't 
will  prove  so. 

You  forgott  ye  Tabby  <($  post  wch  is  on  a  speciall  occasion  else 
shou'dn't  be  so  Streneous.  There'll  be  timber  enough  ready  to  Load 
anoth'r  ship  of  60  or  70  Tons  (or  thereabouts)  wch :  offers  if  you  approve 
of  it  will  strike  on  the  same  terms  as  you've  done  wth  :  Mr.  Hope. 

Collnl D bn  making  his  Exit  incog  is  no  surprize    I  hope's  for 

good  &  all.  wch :  would  be  a  generall  good  to  the  Country.     I'll  acquaint 
Cap1.  Bowen  of  w1  you  desire. 

I  am  Sr.  Yr:  Humbe.  Serv*.  to  Coiriand 

Ellis  Huske 

P.  S.  Mr.  Labloom  talks  of  Setting  out  for  Boston  Wednesday  next. 
Cap*.  Wippill  is  arrived  from  Barbadoes. 

Yrs.  ut  Supra. 
E.  H.1 


IMPRESSMENT  OF  EDWARD  MAYLEM, 


1758. 


Deposition  of  Thomas  Dawes  of  Boston. 

I  Thomas  Dawes  of  Boston  of  full  Age  Do  Certify,  that  on  Tuesday 
morning  the  2ist:  Instant,  Information  was  Given  me  that  Edward  May- 
lem  that  has  livd.  with  me  for  some  years,  was  with  the  Hallifax  Officers 
att  Mr.  Ridgways  House  in  Royal  Exchange  Lane  &  that  the  Sd :  Edward 
Desird.  Me  to  go  to  him  which  I  did,  and  Askd,  him  how  he  came  there,  to 
which  he  Answerd,  that  after  School  was  done  the  Evening  before,  he  was 
going  down  Royal  Exchange  Lane  to  see  the  Usher  of  the  School  who  was 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.E.  11.37]. 

128 


Indisposd,  &  that  att  Mr.  Stones  Corner  he  see  two  or  three  men  a  Jangling 
one  of  them  he  knew,  who  was  very  glad  to  see  him,  and  would  have  him 
go  with  him  to  Mr.  Ridgways  to  drink  part  of  a  Bowl  of  punch  for  Old 
Acquaintance  Sake,  which  Maylem  refusd,  saying  he  had  no  Occasion  of 
drinking,  But  his  Old  Acquaintance  Andw :  White  Insisted  so  much  that 
he  went  in  to  Mr.  Ridgways ;  one  of  the  men  says  Maylem  was  dressd,  in 
Blew  who  I  Imagined,  was  an  Inhabitant,  &  did  not  suspect  him  to  be  a 
Soldier  till  some  Time  after.     I  think  says  Maylem  that  I  drank  twice 
and  then  got  up  to  come  home  it  being  about  10  OClock,  But  after  I  got 
out  of  Mr.  Ridgways  hs.  Andrew  Ventrum  said  I  should  go  to  his  house, 
and  drink  part  of  a  Bowl  of  punch  with  him,  which  I  denied,  &  said  I 
would  not,  but  he  Insisted  I  should  &  said  I  should  not  go  home  till  I  had 
been  to  his  house,     all  this  Time  I  never  suspected  the  aforesd.  Andw 
Ventrum  to  be  a  Soldier,    not  knowing  what  to  do,  through  fear  &  with 
the  Solicitations  of  Andw.  White,  I  went  to  a  room  in  a  house  about  the 
middle  of  Fitch5,  Alley,  where  their  was  a  woman  that  Andw.  Ventrum 
Calld,  his  wife,  &  Andw,  White,  &  another,  where  they  made  a  consider 
able  Quantity  of  punch  &  other  drink,  which  I  Imagine  was  to  get  me 
drunk,  tho  they  mist  it  much.     But  after  some  Time  Andw.  Ventrum  took 
me  by  the  Sleeve  of  my  Coat,  &  Laid  hold  of  my  hand  with  one  of  his 
hands,  &  with  his  other  hand,  put  a  pistereen  in  to  the  hand  he  then  held, 
&  told  me  I  was  Inlisted  a  Soldier  in  his  Majesties  Regiment,  to  which  I 
answerd.  that  I  would  Lay  down,  &  have  my  head  Cut  of,  or  be  Cut  in  two 
before  I  would  Be  a  Soldier,  and  desird  him  to  take  the  money  again, 
which  he  refusd.     I  had  not  the  money  in  my  hand  more  than  half  a  min 
ute,  and  Imrnediatly  told  him  I  was  no  Soldier,  neither  would  I  Be  one, 
and  threw  the  pistareen  away,  Immediatly  upon  Andw.  Ventrum  taking  his 
hand  from  mine,  and  was  a  Comming  home.     But  he  said  I  should  not 
come  home,  then  I  told  him  to  Lett  me  see  his  Captain,  to  know  of  him 
what  way  he  had  to  Inlist  men,  and  after  some  time  the  Captain  Came  & 
told  me  I  must  stay  all  night  with  his  men,  &  in  the  morning  he  would  see 
about  it,  then  the  Captain  askd,  me  wether  I  was  willing  to  go  a  Soldier, 
I  answerd,  no,  &  told  him  I  would  give  him  Ten  pound  if  he  would  Lett 
me  go  home,  for  that  I  had  an  aged  mother  that  I  did  a  great  Deal  for 
every  week,  &  could  not  go  on  any  Account,     then  the  Captain  told  me  he 
would  Release  me,  if  I  would  Gett  another  man.     I  told  the  Captain  I  was 
not  fairly  Inlisted,  and  turnd,  my  Self  to  Andw :  Ventrum  the  person  who 
put  the  money  in  my  hand,  &  said  you  know  it  is  not  Treating  one  fairly, 
&  that  I  never  took  the  money,  to  which  he  Answer'd  never  a  word.     But 
after  the  Captain  was  Gone  the  Aforesd.  Andw.  Ventrum  threatned  to 
Cane  me,  &  would  Carry  me  out  of  Town,  Immediatly  if  I  was  not  Easy, 
and  Directly  removd,  me  to  Mr.  Ridgways  house,  were  he  Detaind,  me  all 
night  till  now.     about  7  O  Clock  next  morn^.  after  the  Deponent  had  taken 
advice,  I  went  to  the  Captains  Lodgings,  where  I  was  Treated  by  the 
Captain  in  a  very  Civil  genteel  manner,  the  Captain  Desird,  I  would  sit 
down,  and  told  me  he  supposd,  I  came  about  Maylem,  I  told  Him  that  was 
my  Business  with  him,    why  says  the  Captain  the  poor  fellow  Lookd, 
Develishly  scard,  Last  night  when  I  see  him.     I  thought  he  was  some 

129 


harmless  fellow,  &  such  like  Conversation,  and  then  the  Captain  told  his 
Servant  to  go  and  Call  the  Serg1.  to  him,  and  after  the  Servant  was  Gone 
to  Call  the  Sergeant,  the  Captain  said  he  must  go  to  Breakfast  to  Mr. 
Wetherheads,  so  the  Captain  And  my  self  Came  out  of  Mr.  Wheitleys 
house  were  he  Lodgd,  togeather  and  when  we  Got  some  way  up  the  street 
the  Sergeant  was  Coming  down  to  meet  the  Captain,  then  the  Captain  in  my 
hearing  told  the  Sergeant  to  dismiss  Maylem,  and  then  the  Captain  Turnd. 
to  me  &  told  me  he  had  told  his  Sergeant  to  dismiss  Edwd  Maylem,  and 
I  Returnd,  the  Captain  many  thanks  for  his  kindness,  And  he  went  to  Mr. 
Wetherheads  and  I  with  the  Sergeant  to  Mr.  Ridgways  house,  when  the 
sd.  Sergeant  told  Maylem  he  was  Dismissd,  as  I  did  after  him,  then  I  took 
a  Dollar  out  of  my  pockett  and  gave  the  Sergeant  to  drink,  upon  which 
the  Sergeant  said  it  would  not  do  he  must  have  smart  Money,  I  askd,  him 
how  much  that  was,  he  sd  Sergeant  Replied  &  said  a  Guinea  a  Crown,  & 
Expences,  I  took  5  or  6  Dollars  out  of  my  pockett  and  put  them  on  the 
Table,  &  the  Sergeant  said  that  was  not  Enough,  I  replied  &  said  I  would 
give  no  more  to  which  some  of  the  Soldiers  said  you  fool  take  it,  But  the 
Sergt.  did  not  seem  disposd,  to  take  it,  I  put  the  money  in  my  pockett,  and 
told  Maylem  he  was  Dismisd,  &  he  might  go  to  work,  Maylem  went  home 
to  my  house,  and  to  work  every  day  as  Usual,  and  Every  Night  to  School, 
and  as  the  Captain  never  sd  any  thing  to  me  about  any  Smart  money  I 
Imagind,  the  Soldiers  was  minded  to  Extort  money  from  me  in  a  wrong 
&  Unjust  way,  But  as  to  my  taking  Maylem  By  the  Sholder,  and  Shoving 
him  out  of  Doors  or  doing  or  Saying,  any  thing  that  Tended,  to  what  the 
Soldiers  Call  Rescuing  Maylem  out  of  their  hands,  I  Absolutely  Deny  & 
say  it  is  false. 

Thomas  Dawes. 

Suffolk  ss:  Boston  Feba  28th  1758  Personally  appeared  &  on  Oath 
declared  that  the  within  declaration  was  true. 

Before        Wm  Stoddard  Just :  pac. 1 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


George  Washington  to  George  William  Fairfax. 

Thursday  Morning  29th  Septr  1763 
Dear  Sir, 

We  are  very  sorry  for  Mrs.  Fairfax's  indisposition,  and  hope  it  is 
slight  and  will  soon  be  removed.  Mrs.  Washington  untill  the  arrival  of 
your  messenger,  was  in  hopes  of  seeing  Mrs.  Fairfax  this  morning,  althoh. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.F.i.74]. 
130 


it  woud  have  been  out  of  her  power  to  have  accompanied  her  in  the  intended 
visit ;  for  she  also  was  siezed  with  a  severe  Ague  about  noon  yesterday 
and  has  not  got  clear  of  the  Fever  yet  —  and  again  my  Sister  Austin  and 
her  two  eldest  daughters  came  late  in  the  Evening. 

If  you  have  had  time  to  examine  our  Mississipi  Scheme,  and  have 
come  to  any  resolutions  in  consequence,  I  shoud  be  glad  to  know  them, 
for  I  was  desired  (in  case  you  Inclined  to  be  an  adventurer)  to  get  you  to 
sign  the  articles  and  transmit  an  Account  thereof  to  the  next  meeting  of 
the  Committee  which  happens  now  about,  the  better  to  know  when  our 
number  is  compleated.  You  will  be  so  good  also  as  to  propose  this  mat 
ter  to  Doctr  Cockburne  if  you  conceive  it  will  meet  his  approbation. 
Otherwise  it  will  be  unnecessary.  My  Sister  presents  her  Compliments, 
and  gives  Mrs  Fairfax  joy  of  her  safe  return  to  Virginia  and  Mrs  Wash 
ington  joins  in  Complimts  to  both  Families  as  doth  Dr  Sir 

Yr  Most  Obed*.  Serv* 

G.  Washington  1 


ISAAC  BACKUS. 


Isaac  Backus  to  Benjamin  Wallin. 

Revd.  and  Beloved, 

Your  obligeing  &  very  welcome  epistle  of  the  6th  of  April  last, 
with  the  parcel  directed  to  me,  I  recieved  ye  8th  instant :  and  I  most  chear- 
fully  improve  this  oppertunity  that  presents  to  express  my  gratitude  & 
obligations  to  you  for  your  Kindness  to  such  an  unworthy  tho'  hearty 
friend.  I  had  concluded  that  my  Letter  did  not  reach  you,  and  expected 
never  to  hear  of  it  more,  but  Gods  time  is  always  the  best. 

Your  faviour  comes  in  a  time  when  I  am  furnished  with  a  variety  of 
the  best  pieces  of  intelligence  that  one  mortal  can  communicate  to  another 
in  this  world :  I  mean  of  ye  advancem*.  of  the  Redeemer's  Kingdom  and 
the  conquests  of  his  grace  in  various  places  of  late.  Indeed  so  noble  a 
Subject  requires  an  abler  hand  to  set  it  forth ;  but  according  to  what  ability 
is  given  to  me  I  will  inform  you  of  some  of  Gods  wonderful  Works  to  the 
children  of  men  in  these  ends  of  the  Earth :  and  tho'  my  narratives  must 
be  short,  yet  I  shall  pay  the  most  conscientious  regard  to  the  truth  of  facts 
knowing  that  I  must  not  talk  deceitfully  even  for  God. 

Had  I  time  and  room  it  would  give  you  a  juster  idea  of  the  late 
wonderful  displays  of  divine  grace  to  make  a  few  remarks  upon  the  former 
state  of  the  Countery.  New-England  I  suppose  you  know  consists  of  four 
governments,  (formerly  of  Seven)  3  of  them  viz.  the  provinces  of  Massa- 

'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.746]. 


chusetts-Bay  and  New-Hampshire,  and  ye  Colony  of  Connecticutt  were 
planted  principally  by  Christians  of  the  Congregational  persuasion,  & 
many  of  them  were  eminent  for  religion  in  its  life  and  power;  yet  they 
had  their  mistakes,  among  which  this  may  be  reckned,  a  great  one  namely 
that  they  were  not  content  with  establishing  their  religion  by  the  civil  law, 
and  taxing  the  inhabitants  in  general  to  Support  it.  But  they  also  under 
took  to  keep  out  errours  by  the  civil  Power,  and  therefore  many  that 
appeard.  to  be  of  different  Sentiments  from  themselves  were  disciplind. 
by  their  Courts  &  at  last  banished,  which  gave  birth  to  Rhode  Island  colony 
where  many  Baptists,  Quakers  &  others  repaird.  &  obtaind.  a  Charter  from 
home. 

Such  treatment  you  may  easily  imagine  laid  the  foundation  for 
stronger  Bars  between  them  than  the  Colony  lines,  and  which  have  been 
handed  down  to  posterity  even  to  this  day.  And  as  there  were  two  Schools 
or  Colleges  errected  one  at  Cambridge  &  the  other  at  New  Haven  to  edu 
cate  persons  for  the  ministry  so  by  degrees  it  got  to  be  a  receivd.  point  in 
general  with  the  pedobaptists  that  none  might  be  admitted  into  the  ministry 
but  such  as  were  educated  there,  while  all  [of]  them  in  general  might  be 
if  they  woud.  and  as  many  people  were  compelK  to  Support  such  ministers 
conterary  to  their  minds :  it  caused  strong  prejudices  in  the  minds  of  great 
numbers  of  the  conterary  party  against  learning  and  ministers  Support,  so 
that  a  great  part  of  the  Baptists  ministers  that  have  been  in  ye  Countery 
have  had  but  little  either  of  learning,  or  Support  from  the  people.  — 

The  consequences  of  human  learning's  being  set  up  as  the  principle 
thing  in  a  minister,  on  the  one  hand,  or  of  being  prejudiced  against  it  on 
ye  other,  you  may  well  think  have  been  very  melancholy.  Indeed  we  were 
reduced  to  such  a  state  that  our  Lord's  charge  against  the  church  of  Sar- 
dis  Rev.  3.  was  eminently  true  of  New-England  in  general.  In  such  an 
awful  state  we  lay,  when  He  whose  thots  and  ways  are  not  like  ours,  in 
stead  of  destroying  us  with  his  vengeance,  appeared  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  year  1740  in  a  marvelous  manner  to  pouer  out  of  his  Spirit  for  the 
conviction  &  conversion  of  great  numbers,  &  the  Work  prevaild.  in  a  glo 
rious  manner  thro'  the  following  year  in  various  parts  of  the  Land. 

But  the  instruments  that  were  used  therein  being  near  all  of  them 
paedobaptists,  against  whom  ye  Baptists  had  such  a  dislike,  most  of  ye 
latter  were  very  much  bard.  against  the  Work.  Further  it  may  be  observd. 
that  a  number  of  ministers  of  the  common  denomination  were  much  used 
in  that  work  while  many  others  of  them  bitterly  opposed  it  and  calld.  it  a 
delusion :  The  work  also  was  greatly  promoted  by  private  meetings  for 
prayer  exortation  &c.  And  in  process  of  time  some  gifted  Bretherin  were 
movd  to  teach  and  expound  ye  Scriptures  frequently  to  the  Satisfaction  of 
many  but  this  was  soon  called  an  intrudeing  into  the  ministerial  office :  and 
the  former  sentiments  being  held  that  none  should  be  recd.  into  the  ministry 
but  such  as  were  educated  for  that  purpose,  the  ministers  in  general  both 
those  that  had  faviourd.  &  those  who  had  opposed  that  blessed  revival  of 
religion  united  their  power  and  endevoured  to  stop  all  such  proceedings, 
which  caused  many  struggles  &  contentions  among  us,  which  issued  in  a 


132 


Separation  of  many  from  the  established  ministers  &  churches :  to  reclaim 
which  the  civil  authority  exerted  themselves  considerably  but  this  only 
made  the  breach  the  wider,  and  it  would  weary  your  patience  to  hear  of 
the  many  effects  which  these  things  produced.  Many  said  that  the  state 
of  religion  was  worse  among  us  than  before  the  revival. 

Well  in  the  year  1749  the  pure  doctrines  of  grace  in  the  power  of  them 
gaind  considerable  ground  in  Several  places  in  Rhode  Island  colony,  where 
ignorance  and  irreligion  had  terribly  prevaild.  About  the  same  time  the 
doctrine  of  believers  baptism  got  footing  in  several  of  our  seperate  Con 
gregations  in  the  other  governments,  among  which  ours  was  one :  tho'  the 
hot  disputes  that  ensued  seemd.  as  if  they  wod.  have  eat  out  all  the  life  of 
religion.  And  to  add  to  our  other  calamities  a  number  of  persons  appeard 
in  some  places  as  zealous  advocates  for  that  doctrine  who  evidently  were 
corrupt  in  many  things,  and  assumd.  the  power  without  any  ordination  to 
baptize  some  number,  and  some  of  them  got  so  far  as  to  declare  in  express 
terms  that  they  were  perfect  and  immortal  whose  folly  has  since  been  mani 
fested  to  all  men.  From  these  hints  you  may  form  some  conceptions  of 
the  mountains  of  difficulty  that  God's  people  seemd.  to  be  encompassed 
with  on  every  side ;  and  we  might  well  say  By  whom  shall  Jacob  arise  for 
he  is  small  ? 

Yet  he  who  makes  the  mountains  to  flow  down  at  his  preference  has 
of  late  appeard.  indeed  to  work  like  himself  —  Things  have  been  gaining 
among  us  for  this  seven  years  and  2  or  3  years  ago  there  were  several 
remarkable  seasons  of  conviction  &  conversion  work  in  sundery  places, 
and  so  at  times  since ;  and  it  seems  like  Ezekiels  waters  to  rise  higher  and 
higher. 

I  have  had  many  direct  accounts  of  a  revival  which  begain  at  Ipswich 
about  the  begining  of  last  winter,  and  has  prevaild.  so  that  tis  thought  that 
near  or  quite  an  hundrd  Souls  have  been  savingly  converted  there  since; 
and  the  work  has  Spread  to  Newbury  &  other  neighbouring  places  that  lie 
30  or  40  miles  north  eastward  of  Boston ;  and  also  into  several  parts  of  the 
province  of  New-Hampshire  where  I  have  had  very  late  intelligence  that 
tis  a  very  good  time.  —  We  have  not  been  without  some  Sprinklings  of 
this  Spiritual  Shower  in  our  Society,  &  hope  for  a  great  rain:  O  that  it 
may  be  hastned!  But  I  have  not  only  heard  but  also  seen  great  things 
elsewhere.  In  the  Town  of  Providence  that  lies  46  miles  S.  W.  from  Bos 
ton,  (which  is  very  populous,  and  has  also  been  a  place  of  much  profane- 
ness  and  irreligion),  a  revival  began  about  the  middle  of  last  winter,  & 
increased  thro'  the  Spring,  and  has  affected  all  sorts  of  people,  some  deists 
some  leaders  in  gaming,  &  many  profane  ones  as  well  as  others  that  were 
more  civil  have  been  hopefully  converted.  I  have  been  among  'em  sundry 
times,  &  O  !  the  joy  of  seing  such  a  marvelous  change  in  the  Town  is  better 
felt  than  exprest !  To  hear  profane  ones  turnd.  to  praise  Jesus :  to  see  the 
irreligious  throng  to  ye  place  of  divine  worship  so  that  many  hundreds 
have  often  been  convened  at  an  hour  or  two's  notice  to  hear  the  word  upon 
an  occasional  opertunity.  and  to  discover  such  a  heavenly  temper  and 
language  in  many,  surely  was  enough  to  fire  a  cold  heart  with  love  and 
praise.  They  told  me  in  June  that  above  40  had  joind.  with  the  Congre- 

133 


gational  church  there  in  about  three  months  upon  a  satesfying  relation  of 
a  work  of  grace  in  their  Souls,  and  tis  believd.  that  many  more  have  expe 
rienced  such  a  work  in  that  time,  numbers  of  which  are  of  our  persuasion 
about  baptism :  And  the  same  work  spreads ;  in  many  towns  near  Provi 
dence,  and  in  many  other  parts  of  the  Countery  which  I  can't  be  particular 
upon ;  yet  I  must  riot  omit  the  place  of  my  nativity. 

Norwich  in  Connecticutt  an  100  miles  S.  W.  of  Boston,  &  80  from 
my  present  dwelling  westward  I  was  there  about  a  year  ago  and  the  face 
of  things  apeard.  the  most  meloncholy  in  that  part  of  ye  town  where  I  was 
born  as  to  religion  that  I  had  known  them  this  20  years.  But  a  revival 
began  soon  after  &  has  increased  to  a  very  blessed  degree.  I  was  there 
to  see  a  dying  brother  in  February,  &  the  sates  faction  that  I  had  from  what 
apeard.  of  ye  work  then  quite  over-balanced  ye  sorrow  of  ye  parting  with  a 
very  near  friend.  —  Yet  much  greater  things  have  been  seen  there  since. 

These  glorious  visitations  have  not  been  confind.  to  New-England, 
I  have  seen  3  written  accts.  from  Mr.  S.  Buell  a  presbyterian  minr.  at  East- 
hampton  on  Long  Island  in  ye  province  of  N.  York  of  a  work  yt  began 
there  last  winter  yi  has  exceeded  what  has  been  in  any  of  ye  above  namd 
places,  &  among  ye  rest  he  says  there  has  been  a  Jew  remarkably  converted 
among  them ;  &  I  hear  yt  ye  work  spreads  over  a  great  part  of  y*  Island.  — 
And  Mr.  James  Manning  (a  young  minr.  of  our  persuas".  who  was  edud. 
at  ye  College  of  N.  Jersey  &  came  from  thence  last  Sumr.  to  Settle  at  a 
place  calld.  Warren  in  ye  nthr.  part  of  Rhode  Island  governm*)  informd.  me 
last  week  yi  he  had  very  late  intelligence  of  a  very  great  work  of  convict11, 
and  conversion  y1  now  is  going  on  &  increasing  in  various  parts  of  N. 
Jersey  &  also  in  ye  city  of  N.  York :  &  a  great  deal  of  it  among  people  of 
our  denomn. ;  and  many  particulars  that  he  gave  me  were  exceeding  de 
lightful,  but  I  must  omit  'em ;  for  I  have  already  gone  far  beyond  my  first 
design ;  but  I  am  got  into  such  a  copious  field  yi  I  hardly  know  where  to 
stop,  &  therefore  if  I  have  not  kept  to  my  promise  of  short  narratives  I 
hope  you  will  forgive  me,  as  well  as  over-look  the  imperfect  manner  of 
them. 

The  truth  of  facts  is  what  I  have  mainly  aimed  at,  &  I  trust  have  kept 
strictly  to  thro'  ye  whole. 

O  for  a  heart  ever  to  glorify  our  God  for  these  astonishing  wonders 
to  ye  children  of  men !  dear  sir  I  hope  you  &  ye  people  of  God  with  you 
will  help  us  to  praise  &  pray  too,  for  indeed  a  great  &  effectual  door  is 
opend.  unto  us  and  there  are  many  adversaries. 

An  old  Saint  yi  formerly  came  from  England,  but  died  in  my  native 
place,  once  said  y*  She  never  went  to  God  for  another  but  y*  she  got  some 
thing  for  herself.  May  King  Jesus  go  on  still  from  conquering  to  con 
quer  in  these  ends  of  the  world :  &  also  return  with  increasing  displays  of 
his  glory  to  our  mother  Island!  which  is  ye  unfeigned  prayer  of  your 
younger  brother  in  ye  gospel  of  Christ 

Isaac  Backus 
Middleborough 
Nov.  1 6.  1764. 

134 


CASE  OF  THE  CHURCH   AT   CANTER 
BURY,  CONNECTICUT,   1768. 


The  Congregational  Chh  of  Christ  at  Middletown  Writes  to  the  Con- 
gregatinal  Chh  of  Christ  at  Canterbury.  Wishing  grace  mercy.  &  peace 
to  be  Multiplyed  to  you  through  ye  knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ  as  King  in 
Zion  our  ondly  Lord  &  Savour. 

Beloveds  we  have  wated  near  a  year  with  expectation  to  Receive  some 
answer  to  our  Letter  we  sent  you  in  answer  to  your  Confession.  But  hear 
nothing.  —  We  did  not  know  but  your  Confession  was  according  to  ye 
Gospel.  But  we  wanted  further  meanes  to  get  ye  evidence  of  it.  But  your 
neglectting  your  duty.  Begets  fears  in  our  minds  wether  you  have  under 
stood  ye  true  state  of  ye  matter  of  difficulty.  So  as  to  make  a  gospel  Satis 
faction,  for  your  very  Rong  practice.  We  have  had  a  great  deal  of  heart 
acking  Labour  with  you.  the  paines  &  charge  which  we  have  taken  for 
several  years  past  in  ye  Use  of  all  meanes  we  thought  scriptural,  to  help 
you  to  see  your  Rong  practice  hes  not  bin  small.  —  Now  you  say  you  see 
your  mistake.  &  Renounce  it.  &  are  pardoned  for  it.  But  you  leave  us 
without  Sufficient  meanes  to  get  the  Evedence  of  your  pardon.  True 
Repentance  brings  forth  f rutes  sutable  to  witness  ye  truth  of  it.  We  all 
a  low  a  Confession  should  be  as  publick  as  ye  transgression.  —  We  have 
never  heard  that  you  have  made  any  Retraction  to  ye  Society  that  you 
sined  before  &  with,  or  Confessed  ye  Ingurey  you  have  dun  to  Christs 
Kingly  goverment.  before  ye  General  Assembly,  in  your  unscriptural  Me 
morial  predecated  upon  that  Voate.  that  you  take  up. —  Christ  sayeth  a 
Corrupt  tree  Cannot  bring  forth  good  frute.  So  that  if  you  Retract  your 
Vote  your  whole  practice  upon  that  Voat  must  be  given  up.  —  and  by  ye 
date  of  your  Letter  you  have  past  by  two  oppertunityes  in  which  you  might 
have  adressed  ye  General  Assembly,  with  your  Retraction  of  your  former 
memorial,  and  Humbly  asked  them  for  that  Liberty  which  is  according  to 
the  Gospel.  Exalting  Jesus  Christ  as  ye  a  Lone  King  in  Zion  &  Lord  of 
Conscience  But  we  heared  nothing  of  you  of  this  nature,  it  apeares  to 
us  that  if  you  mean  to  use  a  proper  meanes  to  Repair  ye  Ingury  that,  you 
have  dun  to  Christs  Cause  in  this  Reformation,  the  path  in  providence  is 
very  plain,  to  adress  the  Assembly  with  your  Retraction,  of  your  former 
proceedings,  with  ye  Society,  and  go  to  them  as  Christs  Chast  Spouse 
asking  the  Liberty  Christ  your  ondly  Head  hes  given  to  you  in  ye  Covenant 
of  his  grace  &c. 

Brethren  In  as  much  as  you  Confess  that  you  was  out  of  ye  way  in 
Joyning  with  ye  Society  in  going  to  ye  Assembly  in  form  and  manner,  as 
you  did. —  Therefore  it  properly  belongs  to  you  to  move  forward  in  all 
Scriptural  measures  to  deliver  us  from  ye  Great  burden  that  your  prac- 

135 


tice  hes  brought  upon  us.  —  So  we  remain  your  agreaved  Sister  Chh. 

Wishing  you  happiness  in  a  frutfull  Subjection  to  Jesus  Christ  as  your 

ondly  Lord  and  King.  — 

Ebenezer  Frothingham  )  in  behalf 
John  Johnson  Sen.          )      of  ye 

Chh. 

Middletown  January  28.  1768. 1 


HAYLEY  AND  HOPKINS  OF   LONDON, 
TO  JOHN  HANCOCK  OF  BOSTON. 


London  7th  July  1770. 
John  Hancock  Esqr. 

Dear  Sir 

Since  our  last  respects  of  which  the  above  is  a  Copy  We  have 
been  favoured  with  yours  of  i8th  &  25th  May,  the  former  of  wch  came  by 
Capt.  Scott  in  your  Ship  Lydia. 

We  now  enclose  you  Messr  Harrison  &  C°.  Rec*  for  £3000.  paid  them 
for  your  Account  as  mentioned  in  the  Postscript  to  our  last.  We  also 
enclose  Acco1  of  Sales  of  your  Cargo  consign'd  us  by  Hall  for  Nett  Pds 
of  which  shall  credit  you  £1872.12.11,  the  latter  end  of  this  month,  when 
we  are  to  receive  the  money,  &  shall  then  pay  Messrs.  Harrison  &  C°. 
about  the  Ballance  of  what  will  be  due  from  us  to  you,  their  receipt  for 
which  shall  be  transmitted  you. 

We  observe  you  had  reed  our  several  Letters  in  the  Spring  with  your 
Acco1.  Curr*.  &  that  you  would  examine  it  the  first  opportunity  &  inform 
us  how  it  was  found,  for  which  shall  be  obliged.  The  Goods  you  are 
pleased  to  consign  us  by  Capt.  Scott  are  all  safely  landed.  The  Oyl  we 
have  sold  at  £21. io/  ^.  Ton  &  the  Ashes  at  427  Pr.  T.  The  Bone  is  not 
yet  sold  nor  any  present  prospect  of  Sale  till  after  the  success  of  the  Green 
land  Fishery  is  fully  known :  We  have  had  several  reports  respecting  it, 
some  that  it  is  good  &  some  bad,  but  we  dare  not  yet  depend  upon  either ; 
Three  or  Four  Ships  are  arrived,  &  they  have  been  pretty  successfull: 
We  are  ourselves  rather  inclined  to  think  that  it  will  not  prove  a  bad  Fish 
ery,  but  rather  midling  —  You  have  certainly  been  misinformed  by  who 
ever  told  you  that  Whalefins  were  gott  up  to  £400  We  have  not  known 
anything  like  that  price  given  thro'  all  this  year,  We  mean  for  American 
Bone.  Dutch  Fins  which  pay  a  Custom  of  £80  P.  Ton  &  always  sell 
greatly  beyond  any  others,  we  believe  has  been  sold  for  £400,  but  indeed 
there  has  been  little,  very  little  American  Bone  imported,  which  has  been 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.i.Sg]. 

136 


the  principal  cause  of  the  price  advancing  to  what  it  did  in  the  Month  of 
March  &  April  last ;  Just  before  we  sold  your  Bone  last  Winter  our  Let 
ters  &  those  reed  by  the  other  Houses  here  all  agreed  that  the  American 
Fishery  had  been  large,  &  that  a  large  quantity  of  Bone  might  be  expected. 
This  Acco*  added  to  the  Knowledge  we  had  of  the  great  success  of  the 
Greenland  Fishery,  induced  not  only  us  but  every  holder  of  American  Bone 
to  think  it  adviseable  to  sell.  The  Quantity  then  here  was  about  25.  Tons 
&  the  whole  of  it  to  the  best  of  our  knowledge  was  thereupon  sold,  &  not  a 
Ton  of  it  for  more,  but  some  for  less  than  we  sold  yours,  it  afterwards 
turn'd  out  contrary  to  our  expectations,  that  very  little  Bone  was  sent  from 
America,  the  bulk  of  it  having  we  understand  been  bought  up,  &  kept  back, 
which  made  a  very  material  difference  &  occasioned  an  advance  of  price 
here,  wch.  it  was  impossible  to  foresee. 

There  is  not  about  20  Ton  here  which  arrived  in  Scott  &  Johnson,  & 
no  price  offers  for  any  of  it.  The  desire  we  have  to  render  every  part  of 
our  conduct  approved  to  you  Sir  has  induced  us  to  lay  these  particulars 
of  the  reason  which  induced  us  to  sell  your  Bone  before  you,  &  we  trust 
to  that  candour  we  have  always  experienced  from  you  that  you  will  think 
us  not  much  to  blame.  It  was  a  measure  taken  upon  the  most  mature  con 
sideration,  &  what  appeared  to  us  at  the  time  most  probable  to  serve  your 
interest.  Scott  had  a  very  quick  passage,  &  is  now  unladen,  &  shall  be 
dispatched  before  the  end  of  the  Month,  with  an  exact  conformity  to  your 
instructions,  but  we  are  greatly  doubtfull  whether  we  shall  be  able  to  gett 
much  Freight  for  him,  We  will  most  certainly  give  him  all  we  have  our 
selves,  &  procure  for  him  all  we  can  from  others  but  the  whole  we  fear 
will  be  but  inconsiderable.  White  is  also  here  and  shall  not  be  sold  /agree 
able  to  your  instructions/  but  returned  with  the  Ten  Tons  of  Hemp  you 
order  for  him,  &  we  are  sorry  to  say  we  fear  that  will  be  near,  if  not  quite 
the  whole  he  will  have  on  board.  We  shall  only  wait  the  arrival  of  Jarvis 
who  is  daily  expected  &  then  if  we  see  no  room  to  expect  any  advantage 
by  keeping  him,  We  shall  dispatch  him  immediately.  We  have  Debited 
you  &  credited  Cap*.  White's  Acco1.  £100  according  to  your  directions,  & 
have  credited  you  £2.2  for  the  Pe.  of  Dutch  short  packed  in  Bale  N°  3. 
Pr.  Scott.  The  getting  liberty  to  land  the  returned  Goods  was  attended 
with  a  great  deal  of  difficulty,  but  after  a  constant  attendance  upon  the 
Custom  House  for  10  days,  we  at  last  were  permitted  to  land  them  into  a 
Warehouse  under  the  King's  Lock,  where  the  whole  of  [them]  now  lay; 
This  was  permitted  as  a  great  favour  &  indeed  is  so,  for  the  bringing  back 
the  India  Goods  &  some  others,  is  directly  contrary  to  Law,  &  makes  not 
only  the  Goods,  but  the  Ship  liable  to  Seizure.  We  once  thought  the  only 
terms  they  would  grant  us  would  be  to  return  the  whole  to  Boston  without 
unloading  them,  but  we  are  happy  in  their  being  now  on  shore,  &  out  of 
danger  of  seizure.  We  are  greatly  indebted  to  your  Friendsship  for  any 
service  done  us  thro'  your  influence,  but  we  own  ourselves  greatly  at  a  loss 
to  know  in  what  we  can  possibly  have  offended  the  Town ;  We  are  per 
suaded  we  have  been  as  much  if  not  more  steady  in  our  endeavours  to  serve 
the  Town  than  any  house  here. 

We  are  sure  we  have  greatly  to  our  own  prejudice,  discouraged  the 

137 


Importation  of  Goods  &  we  cannot  conceive  how  it  can  be  thought  that  we 
had  shipped  the  greater  part  of  the  Goods  that  have  arrived  at  Boston  this 
Spring.  The  Fact  is  not  so.  In  Scott  alone  we  shipp'd  almost  the  whole 
in  value  of  what  we  shipp'd  in  the  whole  Spring.  What  we  sent  in  Free 
man  was  inconsiderable  in  value :  We  know  that  in  that  Ship  one  person 
here  shipp'd  more  value  than  we  did  for  Boston  in  all  the  Ships  together, 
&  we  believe  another  House  here  shipp'd  in  Cap*.  Burnett  much  larger 
value  than  we  did  in  the  whole  Spring.  In  Davies,  Bryant,  Lyde,  Skilling, 
Dixey,  &  all  the  rest  we  shipp'd  nothing  worth  notice,  &  yet  several  of  them 
were  quite  full,  however  Sir  we  believe  from  some  Misrepresentation  we 
were  fallen  under  unmerited  Censure,  for  which  we  cannot  account,  but 
we  must  not  omit  to  acknowledge  how  much  we  think  ourselves  obliged  by 
your  good  offices  upon  that  occasion.  We  desire  to  be  considered  as  the 
warm  Friends  of  the  Town,  instead  of  Enemies,  &  in  that  light  you  may 
easily  judge  how  much  any  Censure  must  have  hurt  us,  &  of  course  how 
much  we  think  ourselves  indebted  to  your  friendship  for  preventing  such 
a  measure.  As  to  what  you  mention  about  the  freight  of  the  returned 
Goods,  We  desire  you  would  yourselves  determine  upon  that  matter  in  any 
way  you  please.  Scott  tells  us  he  brought  in  the  whole  about  100  Ton  of 
Measurement,  the  Freight  of  which  would  be  £  100.  Sterling  any  part  or 
the  whole  of  which  shall  be  placed  to  your  credit.  We  cannot  possibly  at 
any  time  object  to  whatever  you  may  think  reasonable.  Please  mention 
how  you  think  it  ought  to  be  settled,  &  we  shall  cheerfully  conform  thereto. 
We  would  cheerfully  sacrifice  a  very  large  Sum  to  the  restoration  of  Trade 
upon  a  solid  footing,  &  can  very  seriously  affirm  that  if  the  determination 
of  our  House  not  to  send  a  pennyworth  of  Goods  more,  would  be  the  means 
of  producing  that  happy  Event,  We  should  not  a  moment  hesitate  to  take 
such  a  determination,  but  as  our  doing  it  alone  could  not  answer  the  least 
good  purpose,  We  can  only  say  that  it  must  be  accomplished  by  some  other 
means ;  If  non  Importation  is  to  produce  it,  that  can  only  be  effected  by 
an  absolutely  general  forbearance  to  send  orders,  for  while  orders  come, 
&  there  are  a  thousand  people  ready  to  receive  &  execute  them,  our  refusal, 
&  that  of  other  principal  Houses  engaged  in  the  Trade  would  be  of  no 
effect.  The  Goods  would  still  be  sent  if  the  orders  came ;  That  measure 
therefore  cannot  be  effectual  unless  there  is  an  absolute  &  general  for 
bearance  to  send  for  Goods. 

We  shall  soon  have  another  opportunity  of  paying  our  respects  to 
you,  &  in  the  mean  time  are  very  sincerely 

(Copy)     Orig1.  Pr.  Derby.  [Hayley  &  Hopkins.] 

We  have  omitted  to  mention  in  the  foregoing  that  Cap*  White  has 
delivered  us  70  Dollars  wch.  we  have  sold  for  £16.16  —  for  which  we 
credit  you  —  He  has  also  delivered  us  3  Hhds  &  a  Barr1.  of  Sugar  which 
shall  dispose  of,  &  transmit  the  Account  Sales  in  due  season. x 


From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.i.94]. 


138 


24  July  1770. 
Dear  Sir: 

We  confirm  the  foreoing  for  Copy  of  our  last  Respects  &  have 
now  to  acknowledge  rect  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Palfray  of  13th  June  in  which 
he  informs  us  by  your  directions  of  Your  having  chartered  the  Pratt  for 
S°  Carolina  Houses,  but  refers  us  for  the  particular  terms  of  the  Contract 
to  your  next  We  dare  say  you  have  done  what  appeared  to  you  for  the 
best  &  shall  rest  well  satisfied  with  what  ever  that  is —  The  Certificate 
for  Mrs.  Billings 's  pension  for  1767  we  have  reed,  but  before  that  came  to 
hand  we  had  settled  for  her  up  to  Decr  1769  &  have  credited  Mr.  Thos 
Grays  Acco*  for  the  produce  of  it,  &  youll  please  either  settle  it  with  him 
or  if  it  is  more  agreable  we  will  debit  him  &  credit  you  for  the  amount  of 
one  Year —  This  will  we  hope  be  delivered  you  by  Cap1  Scott  of  your 
Ship  Lydia,  who  now  returns  with  a  better  freight  all  things  considered 
than  we  expected ;  We  shall  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  Cap1  Scott  for  the 
particular  difficulties  just  now  attending  your  Ships;  We  have  made  a 
point  of  giving  Scott  all  we  were  able,  &  if  he  had  done  as  all  the  rest  of 
the  ships  now  here  do,  except  yours,  there  is  no  doubt  he  would  have  been 
quite  full ;  but  after  the  clear  orders  given  us  in  yours  reed  by  him,  We  did 
not  dare  lett  him  take  on  board  any  but  licensed  Goods.  We  have  paid 
him  £  1 60  as  cjp  his  rec*  enclosed  for  £100  of  which  he  has  directed  us  to 
debit  you  in  Acco*.  Curr*.  &  to  charge  the  other  £60  in  the  ships  Acco*.,  to 
which  we  conform  &  youll  please  note  it  accordingly  We  have  agreable  to 
your  orders  shipp'd  on  board  him  20  Tons  of  Hemp  for  your  Ace*  Invoice 
&  bill  of  Lading  for  which  You  will  find  enclosed  amounting  to  £525.14.7 
on  which  we  have  made  £  530  Insce.  Pre  &c  being  £  13.7.9.  As  the  Letters 
reed  by  Jarvis  have  brought  some  orders  &  give  us  a  prospect  of  obtaining 
some  licensed  Goods  for  White  we  have  resolved  upon  keeping  him  a 
fortnight  &  we  hope  we  shall  find  enough  to  make  it  worth  his  while  to 
stay  that  time,  at  the  expiration  of  which  we  intend  to  dispatch  him —  The 
money  for  Halls  Cargo  falls  due  the  end  of  this  Week  when  have  no  doubt 
but  we  shall  receive  it  &  we  will  then  pay  Messrs  Harrison  &  C°.  as  men 
tioned  in  our  last  whose  rec*.  our  next  will  enclose  you. 

The  Whalebone  recd  by  Scott  remains  unsold  &  no  prospect  of  its 
selling  till  the  full  Success  of  the  Greenland  fishery  is  known  which  still 
remains  uncertain.  Oyl  &  Ashes  are  much  the  same  as  in  our  last,  but 
Whale  Oyl  will  certainly  be  low;  The  Seal  fishery  both  in  Greenland  & 
New  fd  Land  has  been  very  successful  wch.  will  reduce  the  price  of  Whale 
Oyl  — 

We  are  wth  the  truest  esteem  Dr.  Sir 

Your  most  obliged  hble  Servant 

Hayley  &  Hopkins 

27th  Cap*.  Scott  not  having  taken  away  his 
Boy  till  this  Evening  gives  us  opportunity 
of  enclosing  Mess"  Harrison  &  C°  their  Receipt   \ 
for  £1500  pd  them  this  day  — 1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.z.95]. 

139 


HARRISON  AND  ANSLY   OF   LONDON, 
TO  JOHN  HANCOCK   OF   BOSTON. 


London  6  Septemr.  1770 
John  Hancock  Esqr. 

Sir, 

We  refer  you  to  our  last  of  24  July,  since  which  we  have  been 
favord  with  yours  of  29  June  and  12  July  °  the  first  cov^  a  second  Bill  of 
Excha.  on  James  Stuart  for  £250  —  the  first  we  have  advis'd  you  was 
accepted. 

Agreable  to  your  Commission  for  a  few  articles  we  have  Ship'd  the 
same  on  board  Cap1.  Hood.  Invoice  &  Bill  of  Lading  we  herein  inclose, 
amounting  with  Charges  of  Shipping  &  Insurance  to  £58.76  which  Sum 
we  shall  in  course  pass  to  your  Debit.  In  future  we  sho'd  be  glad  if  you 
would  say,  whether  Insurance  must  be  made. 

We  sincerely  lament  that  our  ministerial  Men  here  will  not  see  the 
reall  interest  of  this  Country, —  but  it  cannot  be  any  wonder  whilst  places 
&  pensions  seem  to  be  the  only  objects  in  view  to  the  ruin  of  this  Country 
as  well  as  America,  therefore  so  long  as  the  present  Men  continue,  you 
must  not  we  fear  hope  for  conciliating  measures,  you  may  rely  upon  it, 
that  there  will  be  no  clamour  raised  here  for  want  of  Trade,  we  have  not 
of  late  had  any  complaints  &  the  New  York  measures  will  make  matters 
quite  easy,  my  sentiments  are  naturally  against  arbitrary  oppressive 
measures,  but  I  fear  it  has  been  long  a  deep  laid  Scheme,  yet  I  am  not 
without  hopes  a  formidable  opposition  will  be  made  the  next  meeting  of 
the  Parliament. 

From  our  own  knowledge,  we  are  certain  great  quantities  of  Goods 
find  their  way  to  many  parts  of  America,  tho  not  openly,  therefore  all 
things  consider'd,  will  it  not  throw  trade  out  its  respectable  usual  channel 
into  smugling  hands  not  answer  the  end  propos'd  to  distress  the  manu 
facturers  here  &  greatly  prejudice  &  breed  ill  blood  amongst  you ;  I  just 
throw  out  these  few  hints,  yet  be  assur'd  do  not  wish  to  have  any  Trade  to 
America,  if  not  for  the  Benefit  of  the  whole,  yet  when  good  Paymasters 
offer  here,  we  may  as  well  supply  them  as  others. 

I  am  much  pleased  to  hear  you  say  G.  H.  is  universally  respected  with 
you  (notwithstanding  he  may  find  the  Weather  with  you  too  hot)  your 
kindnes  in  giving  him  your  countenance  &  protection  I  thank  you  for. 
I  will  alway  endeavor  to  be  grateful  for  it.  I  beg  you  will  accept  my  thanks 
for  the  Fish  ^  Cap*.  Hall  wch  I  recd  :  safe. 

with  regard  to  Oil  there  was  no  Buyers  for  a  long  time  &  even  when 
they  want  only  one  appears,  however  I  have  at  last  sold  the  same  at 
£24.57.  &  the  whale  at  £19.10.  I  fear  this  is  not  so  good  a  price  as  you 

140 


expect,  but  no  more  conld  be  got.  we  shall  deliver  it  in  a  few  days,  &  will 
advise  you  the  Neat  proceeds,  the  compleating  Commissions  on  your  side 
for  ye  Oil  Men  here  will  ever  make  it  a  poor  Trade — the  Success  in  ours 
&  the  Dutch  Greenland  Ships  this  Season  is  much  greater  than  at  first 
reported  tho'  we  have  sold  American  Finns  at  £  370  within  this  Month  — 
the  small  Galicia  at  1/2  that  price,  but  of  these  small  sizes  the  market  is 
full,  you  may  be  assur'd  we  will  in  future  give  your  Ships  the  preffee- 
ence  in  freight  but  unless  a  partial  Importation  take  place  with  you,  we 
shall  have  but  trifles,  we  have  at  present  only  time  to  add,  that  we  remain 
with  the  greatest  respect,  Sir  Your  most  obed*.  Servts 

Harrison  &  Ansley. 1 


WILLIAM  TURNER  MILLER. 


Seven  Letters  from  Colonel  William  Turner  Miller  to  his  Wife,  from  the 
Camp  before  Boston,  1775. 

Rhode  Island  Camp  in  Roxbury 

May  29th.  1775  — 

Dear  Wife  we  were  yesterday  and  the  Night  before  last  under  arms 
which  was  Occasioned  by  an  Engagement  Colonel  putnam  With  about 
250  Men  had  with  a  Thousand  Regulars  the  Engagement  began  at  about 
half  after  nine  Oclock  on  Saturday  Night  and  Lasted  till  Day  Light  when 
Coll  putnam  Returned  to  the  Head  Quarters  at  Salem  having  Burnt  :  n 
Armed  Schoner  and  Taken  16  pieces  of  Small  Cannon  Kill'd  13  of  the 
Horses  that  Lately  arrived  from  England  said  to  be  for  the  Light  Horse 
and  Taken  17  More  Co11,  putnam  had  not  a  Man  Killed  and  only  three 
Men  Wounded  Howmany  of  the  Regulars  were  Killed  we  Cannot  Learn 
only  that  there  were  Discovered  in  the  Action  three  Regulars  Killed  and  it 
is  thought  Numbers  more  were  Slain  The  place  of  Action  was  at  Chelsey 
near  winnysimmit  ferry  Sixteen  Miles  from  this  place  (by  Land)  when 
we  first  Heard  the  firings  which  was  very  Brisk  I  mustered  my  forces 
which  were  about  240  at  the  first  Alarm  Not  Knowing  but  it  was  a  General 
Attack  and  Sent  off  Expresses  forward  toward  the  Enemy  Sent  out 
Several  Companies  to  Reconoiter  who  went  forward  untill  they  were  In 
formed  where  the  fire  was  and  were  Sattisfied  their  Help  was  not  wanted 
(some  went  Down  Head  Quarters)  &  in  the  morning  the  Fire  Renewing 
I  Marched  Down  with  all  My  men  but  a  few  who  I  Left  behind  to  Guard 
the  Incampment  &  Magazine  went  to  Head  Quarters  for  Orders  to  go 
forward  were  within  Sight  of  the  Ennemies  fire  but  the  General  thinking 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.i]. 

141 


it  best  for  Me  to  Return  and  Refresh  my  Men  and  hold  My  People  in 
Readiness  and  Soon  after  my  Return  Co11.  Hitchcock  Co11.  Cornel  arrived 
Here  and  Took  the  Chief  Command  and  toward  Night  Major  Sherburn 
Arrived  Here  Since  which  Several  Companies  are  Arrived  we  heard  a 
Number  of  Cannon  fired  toward  Chelsey  Last  Evening  but  have  not  Learn 
what  they  have  Done  I  should  be  glad  if  you  would  Send  me  Some  Lin- 
ning  Such  as  Shirts  &c  when  you  have  them  Ready  if  you  want  to  Send 
any  thing  to  me  Such  as  Shoes  or  any  thing  Else  you  will  pleas  to  have 
them  Bundled  up  and  a  paper  pasted  on  the  Bundle  and  a  Letter  Wrote 
Ready 

I  am  your  Loving  Husband 

William  T  Miller  l 


Rhode  Island  Camp  June  26th :  1775 

My  Dearest  Lydia  it  is  with  Pleasure  I  take  up  my  Pen  to  wright 
to  you  I  Sent  you  all  the  Letters  that  I  could  find  by  Mr.  Thompson  and 
an  account  of  the  Battle  at  Bunkers  Hill  with  a  Letter  of  my  own  Writing 
to  you  my  dear  you  wrote  me  Concerning  your  Coming  Down  and 
Wanted  my  advise  in  the  matter —  the  three  Rigiments  are  Now  Chiefly 
Here  and  we  are  in  about  as  Good  order  as  I  Expect  to  be  in  this  Cam 
paign  (I  mean  in  Regard  to  my  Station  in  the  House)  I  have  a  Room 
that  I  Live  in  in  Company  with  Co11.  Church  Major  Shearborn  Adjutant 
Bradford  and  Adjutant  Box  all  in  the  Same  Room  we  are  Very  well 
Suited  for  Company  but  my  dear  you  know  that  is  not  Like  having  a  Whole 
Room  to  my  Self  I  want  to  Se  you  and  if  you  Can  at  Some  Convenient 
Time  for  your  Self  Come  down  I  hope  Either  Here  or  at  Some  Neigh 
bouring  House  Enjoy  yr  Company  if  no  Alarm  prevents  but  if  you  Come 
down  you  will  be  able  to  Keep  out  of  Danger  as  Great  Guns  are  heard  a 
great  ways  and  if  there  is  any  Battle  you  Can  Keep  out  of  the  Reach  of 
them  you  will  Speak  to  Doctor  Bradford  to  Carry  on  the  Suit  against 
Jesse  Saunders  and  Shew  him  your  Power  of  Attorney  that  I  gave  you 
we  have  had  an  alarm  Last  Saturday  the  Ennemy  Fired  a  few  Bombs 
and  Carcases  in  order  to  Set  the  Town  of  Roxbury  on  fire  but  through  the 
alertness  of  our  Soldiers  the  Town  was  prevented  being  Set  on  fire  Such 
was  the  Courage  of  our  Soldiers  that  they  wold  go  and  Take  up  a  Burning 
Carcase  or  Bomb  and  Take  out  the  fuze  all  is  peace  now  and  we  are  in 
High  Spirits  &  through  the  Blessing  of  God  I  Enjoy  a  Very  Good  State  of 
Health  you  will  please  to  Send  them  Cloaths  as  soon  as  they  are  Done 
Oliver  Eddy  is  in  a  good  way  to  be  well  Soon  of  his  Wound  Mr.  Dimond 
&  Ensign  Child  are  well  Mr.  Whitakcr  is  Likewise  well  and  all  the  Sol 
diers.  My  Dear  I  am  yr  Loving  Husband 

William  T  Miller  - 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.io]. 
142 


June  28th. 

The  Ladies  come  more  or  Less  every  day  to  Visit  the  Camp  Cap* 
Olneys  and  Ensign  Blacks  wives  were  here  to  day  Co11.  Varnums  wife  will 
be  here  soon  I  have  Inclosed  an  Account  of  the  Forces  on  Both  Sides  and 
we  have  Two  Fine  Entrenchments  in  Roxbury  to  Stop  the  Eennemy  Com 
ing  over  the  Neck  besides  one  to  Stop  their  Landing  up  Charles  River  and 
one  on  Dorchester  Neck  with  a  Redout  Just  at  the  going  on  of  Dorchester 
neck  the  New  Hampshire  People  have  an  Intrenchment  on  the  Hill  Just 
on  this  Side  of  Co11.  Royal's  Farm  in  Mistick  beside  the  Entrenchments 
that  the  Massachusetts  forces  have  in  Cambridge. 

Your  loving  Husband 

William  T.  Miller l 


Prospect  Hill  Cambridge  July  26th :  1775 

Dearest  Lydia  I  arrived  Here  yesterday  with  the  Rhode  Island  Forces 
and  am  in  Good  Health  and  Like  the  Scituation  of  the  Place  very  well  but 
we  are  not  so  well  Suited  for  a  Place  to  Live  in  as  at  Barnard  House  but 
we  have  got  Boards  which  in  a  few  Days  we  Can  build  Barracks  of  and 
then  I  think  we  Shall  be  as  well  accommodated  as  ever  Soldiers  were  I 
have  no  News  to  wright  you  Except  that  our  Regiment  is  so  Healthy  that 
there  was  not  one  in  the  Hospital  but  what  was  turned  out  fit  for  Duty 
when  we  marched  away  from  Roxbury  one  of  the  Regular  Granadiers 
Deserted  Last  Night  from  Bunkers  Hill  and  Came  into  our  Camp  with 
all  his  accutirements  I  have  not  Heard  the  particulars  he  Relates  my 
Dear  Excuse  my  Short  writing  as  we  have  not  got  Setled  here  and  the 
wrighting  this  Letter  is  Like  Shooting  flying  I  am  your  Loving  Husband 

William  T  Miller 2 


Camp  Prospect  Hill  July  29th  :  1775  — 

Dearest  Lydia  It  is  with  pleasure  I  Imbrace  this  Oppertunity  to 
wright  to  you  I  wrote  three  days  ago  A  short  Letter  by  Amos  Fish  but  I 
fear  your  paper  is  gone  now  or  you  would  have  wrote  by  Doctor  Shearman 
and  Martin  Eastsbrooke  I  am  in  Very  Good  Health  and  am  pleased  with 
the  Disposition  of  the  Army  that  we  have  to  Defend  the  Breastwork  on 
this  Hill  where  there  is  an  oppertunity  for  an  Officer  to  Shew  himself 
I  had  the  Honour  to  be  field  officer  of  the  Day  here  yesterday  and  as  I 
was  Visiting  the  Out  Gentries  which  Stands  within  half  Musket  Shot  of 
the  Ennemies  Centeries  the  Regulars  Came  out  with  a  party  and  began 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.i2]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.i2]. 

143 


to  Cut  Some  Trees  and  Remove  some  fencing  Stuff  which  was  between 
the  Centeries  I  Beckned  to  Two  officers  who  Commanded  there  one  of 
whom  I  took  to  be  Major  Bruce  of  the  Regulars  who  Came  out  and  met  me 
between  the  Centeries  when  I  told  him  that  his  Conduct  in  felling  the 
Timber  so  near  our  Gentries  Created  a  Jealousie  and  Desired  him  to  Desist 
from  any  farther  Encroachments  when  he  told  me  he  thought  the  trees  &c 
which  they  were  gitting  were  as  near  their  Lines  as  they  were  to  ours 
and  that  they  had  not  Interrupted  our  Men  in  Cutting  Hay  Close  to  the 
Lines  and  he  promised  me  he  would  advance  no  farther  I  Immediately 
Returned  and  Reported  what  had  happenned  to  Major  General  Lee  who 
thanked  me  for  my  Conduct  —  I  also  Saw  a  Gentleman  that  Came  out  of 
Boston  yesterday  who  Says  the  people  of  Boston  &  the  Soldiers  are  Very 
Sickly  and  Much  Dejected  —  that  General  Gage  had  given  Orders  for  all 
the  Inhabitants  of  Boston  that  have  a  Mind  to  depart  by  Water  to  Return 
their  Names  and  they  Should  have  Liberty  to  Depart. 

We  have  three  Deserters  from  the  Regulars  come  into  this  Camp 
Since  we  Came  here  one  of  whom  found  his  own  Brother  here  in  the 
Camp  their  Meeting  was  Very  affecting  one  hath  Deserted  by  way  of 
Roxbury  who  its  thought  will  prove  a  Very  Servicable  Man  to  our  Army 
as  he  is  able  to  give  a  plan  of  all  the  works  &  fortifycations  in  Boston 
and  Knows  all  their  Plans  —  he  Says  he  car  Direct  the  Army  to  Storm 
.Boston  with  the  Loss  of  Very  few  men  that  It  has  been  in  Contemplation 
among  the  gageites  to  Set  Boston  on  fire  and  withdraw  all  the  Troops  & 
Ships  but  we  ought  not  to  Catch  at  Such  Shaddows  as  that  we  have 
nothing  under  God  to  Depend  upon  but  our  own  Strength  Since  I  wrote 
the  above  I  Received  yours  by  Simon  Burr  with  the  Greatest  Sattisfaction 
I  have  got  the  Sheete  you  Sent  me  there  is  no  Mistake  in  the  order  given 
by  Manning  he  had  Some  Cloaths  &  Gave  an  order  for  them  and  the 
Same  Day  afterward  had  More  we  are  Now  on  prospect  Hill  in  Briga- 
deer  General  Greenes  Brigade  under  the  Command  of  Major  General  Lee 
and  our  Duty  is  to  Defend  the  Breast  work  that  you  was  in  when  you  was 
here  the  General  Lives  in  a  Hutt  on  the  Hill  in  the  Rear  of  the  Incamp- 
ment  Mrs.  Greene  Stayed  a  Week  after  you  went  away  and  Part  of  the 
Time  we  was  Poorly.  I  am  Glad  to  hear  of  your  Health  and  any  time 
when  you  have  an  oppertunity  you11.  Please  to  Send  me  a  Bunch  or  Two  of 
your  Onions.  I  am  your  Loving  Husband 

William  T  Miller  l 


Camp  Prospect  Hill  August  13th:  1775 

Dearest  Lydia  I  Receved  your  Kind  Letter  by  Mr.  Burr  as  also  the 
Inkstand  Corn  &  Cucumbers  you  sent,  Every  Letter  &  Present  from  you 
is  Like  a  Cordial  to  me  in  my  absence  from  you  my  Heart  is  delighted 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.n]. 
144 


in  Reading  Your  Letters  Especially  when  on  the  Countenance  of  them 
you  appear  to  be  in  Health  and  when  you  appear  by  your  Letters  to  be  in 
Trouble  I  Long  to  participate  with  you  we  are  at  present  Very  Peac- 
able  Here  there  hath  been  one  Regular  Deserted  from  Bunkers  Hill  Last 
Night  and  two  to  Day  by  Swimming  a  Cross  Mistick  River  to  Maiden 
and  2  Boats  that  were  armed  from  Bunkers  hill  were  Sailing  up  Mistick 
River  and  were  Drove  back  by  the  brisk  firing  of  Some  field  pieces  from 
Maiden  this  day  which  Caused  them  in  a  Very  great  Hurry  to  Retreat 
and  Run  ashore  on  Bunkers  hill  Shore  Please  to  accept  this  with  a  Kiss 
and  the  best  wishes  from  your  Loving  Husband 

William  T  Miller  * 


Camp  Prospect  Hill  Sepr.  i8th :  1775 

My  Love 

It  is  with  Pleasure  I  Imbrace  this  oppertunity  offered  by  Mr 
Bradford  for  the  Conveyance  of  a  Letter  to  my  Dearest  I  some  what 
Expect  this  will  meet  you  on  the  Road  I  am  in  Good  health  and  High 
Spirits  I  Receved  yours  wherein  you  Expressed  your  Joy  in  my  Not 
Going  to  Quebeck  my  Love  I  fear  you  think  I  am  Safer  here  than  as 
though  I  went  to  Quebeck  Remember  the  Psalmists  Expression,  if  I  take 
the  wings  of  the  Morning  and  fly  to  the  uttermost  Parts  of  the  Sea  behold 
Thou  art  there  I  doubt  not  but  where  Ever  I  am  god  will  be  there  and  be 
my  Stay  and  Support  my  Love  I  had  it  under  Consideration  whither  to 
offer  my  Self  to  go  to  Quebec  and  had  so  far  Concluded  upon  the  Matter 
that  If  I  had  been  Requested  to  go  I  should  not  have  Refused  though  I 
think  it  Carries  the  Appearance  of  a  Desperate  undertaking  there  was 
Officers  in  my  Station  that  appeared  Earnest  for  going  and  it  being  my 
Disposition  not  to  Enter  into  a  Dispute  for  a  bad  Bargain  never  oposed 
their  going  by  People  who  came  out  of  Boston  the  day  before  yesterday 
we  are  informed  that  General  Gage  has  began  to  Pull  down  the  Houses  at 
the  South  End  and  Intends  to  Pull  down  all  the  Buildings  from  the  forti 
fication  to  the  hay  market  in  order  to  fortify  the  Town  Stronger  we  have 
had  one  or  two  Deserted  from  Bunkers  Hill  who  Say  they  had  about 
Twenty  one  Hundred  Men  on  Bunkers  Hill  Last  week  and  that  there  was 
three  Companies  more  Just  Come  over  who  Arrived  a  few  Days  ago  that 
the  officers  talk  of  Coming  out  but  are  hindred  by  Continuall  Alarms  of 
our  Going  in  —  things  Remain  very  Silent  in  Regard  of  Firing  Guns 
if  our  Vessels  were  Kept  all  into  port  in  all  Parts  of  the  Continent  they 
must  Starve  in  Boston  for  want  of  Bread  as  they  have  but  Little  and  the 
Last  Ship  load  that  Arrived  came  from  Great  Brittain  and  Cost  a  Guinea 
pr  Hundred  there  which  when  it  arrived  in  Boston  Was  so  Intirely  Spilt 
that  it  Could  not  be  Eat  the  Jacket  I  mentioned  to  Mr  Hill  to  be  turned  I 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.i4]. 

145 


would  have  done  with  Very  Narrow  Silver  Lace     this  with  the  best  Wishes 
of  your  Loving  Husband 

William  T  Miller 

PS  I  hear  you  talk  of  Coming  with  Mr.  Burr  I  fear  if  you  Should 
Come  with  him  he  would  be  for  going  away  so  Soon  I  sould  not  have  a 
Chance  to  be  with  you  as  much  as  I  want  to  I  should  be  glad  to  se  you 
Come  so  as  to  Stay  or  go  when  and  as  you  Please  without  Consulting  any 
body  but  me 

WmTM 

My  Best  Respects  to  Cap*  Whiting  &  Lady  Mr  Saunders  &  Lady  Doctr 
Peter  &  Lady  and  All  Enquiring  Friends  * 


Camp  Prospect  Hill  Novr  ioth :  1775 

My  Dearest  I  Receved  your  Kind  Letter  by  Mr.  Whittaker  this  Morn 
ing  I  am  in  good  Health  and  have  mentioned  it  thus  Early  in  My  Letter 
for  fear  I  should  forget  to  mention  it  my  Love  I  am  intirely  willing  to 
be  at  home  without  any  Military  Imployment  since  it  is  the  will  of  Heaven 
it  Should  be  so  I  have  put  my  trust  in  God  and  I  am  sure  he  will  dispose 
of  me  in  his  own  way  which  is  the  best  way  for  me  and  for  his  own  Glory 
my  Love  there  was  about  200  Regulars  who  Took  the  Advantage  of  an 
uncommon  high  Tide  and  Landed  on  Leachmore  Point  between  this  Hill 
and  Boston  Common  Close  by  the  Man  of  Warr,  the  Tide  was  so  high 
that  it  flowed  over  the  Mash  and  Bridge  betwen  the  Point  and  this  Hill  so 
that  it  Made  an  Intire  Island  of  the  Upland  on  the  Point  as  Soon  as  they 
were  Discovered  the  Alarm  was  Given  the  Lines  all  Manned  and  About 
500  Men  sent  Down  to  Drive  them  off  and  upon  the  Approach  of  our  Men 
the  Regulars  Ran  off  with  their  Booty  which  Consisted  of  about  Eleven 
Head  of  Cattle  Chiefly  Belonging  to  one  Mr  Ireland  the  Tide  was  so 
high  that  our  Men  was  obbliged  to  wade  up  to  their  Middles  to  Get  on  the 
Point  what  Loss  the  Ennemy  met  with  we  Cannot  Tell  but  our  Cannon 
from  this  Hill  that  Two  Shot  went  in  among  the  thickest  of  their  Boats  as 
they  were  Landing  the  Loss  on  our  Side  in  one  Riflemen  Killed  &  one 
Mortally  wounded  my  Dear  please  to  accept  of  a  Kiss  and  this  as  a  pledge 
of  my  Love  I  am  your  Loving  Husband 

William  T  Miller 2 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.a.is]. 
1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.i6]. 


146 


WILLIAM  BANT. 


Five  Letters  from  William  Bant  to  John  Hancock,  1776,  1777. 

Rehoboth  March  25.  1776. 
The  Hon.  John  Hancock  Esqr. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  suppose  before  this  will  reach  you,  that  you  will  have  received  a 
full  account  of  the  disgraceful  retreat  of  the  Troops  from  dear  Boston.  I 
congratulate  you  on  the  event,  and  also  that  your  domestic  Affairs  are  left 
in  good  Order.  Our  friend  Nich.  Bowes  has  escaped  without  the  loss  of  a 
quill.  I  was  in  Boston  last  Tuesday,  the  Town  appears  much  better  than  I 
expected  to  see  it,  yet  the  Villians  have  done  great  damage.  I  wrote  you 
the  6th.  Ins1,  in  which  I  inclosed  you  E  Jones  Account  current  and  informed 
you  that  he  had  paid  me  the  Ballance.  I  have  lately  received  800  Dollars, 
which  together  with  the  above  I  shall  forward  as  soon  as  possible.  I  also 
informed  you  of  my  intention  to  move  to  Groton,  but  the  deliverance  of 
Boston  will  alter  my  plan,  and  I  have  already  released  my  farm  and  hope  to 
return  to  Boston  in  about  a  month.  I  received  yours  of  the  6th  instant  yes 
terday.  The  whole  that  I  said  in  the  Letter  you  refer  to,  arose  from  this 
cause  only_  I  could  not  bear  the  reflection  that  I  had  given  you,  Sir,  reason 
to  think  that  I  am  regardless  of  the  obligations  I  am  under  to  you.  I  wrote 
to  Col.  Athearn  this  morning.  I  told  you,  Sir,  when  I  see  you  at  Worcester 
that  I  was  intirely  at  your  service  and  should  be  happy  to  be  employed  by 
you.  I  am  now  ready  to  go  to  Dartmouth,  Martha's  Vineyard,  and  any,  or 
every,  where  else  that  you  may  want  on  your  Business  —  I  will  not  engage 
in  any  way  whatever  if  I  can  be  of  service  to  you  in  the  settling  your 
Accounts  and  collecting  your  dues.  Dear  Sir,  my  heart  has  indeed  often 
bied  for  you  on  account  of  your  troubles  as  knew  they  all  proceeded  from 
virtue,  but  I  hope,  I  more  than  hope,  I  think  I  see  the  dawning  of  a  bright 
and  joyful  day,  that  will  return  you  sevenfold  for  all  your  sufferings  into 
your  own  bosom  —  which  may  God  grant  to  be  the  Case,  and  that  speedily. 
Mrs.  Bant  joins  me  in  the  most  respectful  Regards  to  your  Lady  &  self,  & 
grant  me  the  freedom  further  to  Subscribe  myself  with  the  greatest  Sin 
cerity, 

Your  ever  Obliged  and  most  ready  &  Obedient  humble  Servant 

William  Bant 1 
1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.i8]. 

147 


Boston  October  19.  1776. 
The  Honble.  John  Hancock  Esqre. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  the  5th.  <($  Mr.  Taylor,  and  inclosed  the  Second  Bill  of 
Mr.Cushing's  Draft  of  the  2nd.  Ins1,  on  you  for  £300.0.0  Since  which  I  have 
received  your  Letters  of  the  27th.  September  and  of  the  ioth.  Instant.  I  have 
had  the  pleasure  of  a  Visit  from  Col.  Athearn,  inclosed  you  have  a  Letter 
from  him,  by  which  you  will  see  that  he  has  received  of  Cap*  Kendrick  (who 
is  gone  on  a  Cruize  against  the  Enemy)  for  your  Account  four  Province 
Notes,  as  they  are  called,  amounting  with  the  Interest  due  on  them  to 
£482..2..6.  which  he  has  paid  to  me.  The  Money  for  the  Oil  Bone  Vessel 
&c  amounting  he  supposes  to  about  £  770.0.0 — he  will  forward  me  immedi 
ately  upon  his  getting  home,  I  expect  to  receive  it  in  about  three  Weeks,  he 
tells  me  he  has  wrote  you  fully  what  prospect  he  has  of  selling  the  other 
Vessells.  Mr.  Harris,  who  has  Coffin's  Notes,  called  at  my  House  last 
Week,  I  was  not  in  Town,  I  shall  write  to  him  by  this  days  Post  that  I  will 
pay  him  in  three  Weeks.  When  I  shall  have  received  the  above  Money  of 
Col.  Athearn,  and  Coffin's  demand  is  paid,  suppose  shall  have  upwards  of 
£500.0.0  in  my  hands.  I  observe  your  Orders,  Sir,  not  to  remit  any  more 
Money  to  Philadelphia  at  present.  I  have  purchased  for  you  a  hogshead  of 
choice  Sugar,  and  am  in  treaty  about  a  Cask  of  old  Madeira.  I  observe  in 
your  Letter  of  the  ioth.  which  I  have  just  received  that  I  may  expect  to  see 
Cap*  Cazneau  soon.  You  may  depend  upon  my  doing  every  thing  in  my 
power  to  fullfill  your  expectations.  I  wish,  Sir,  for  your  particular  Orders 
about  the  Wharff  as  Cap*.  Matchet  says  he  has  your  express  Orders  for 
what  he  does,  and  seems  not  very  inclinable  to  give  up  his  trust  or  settle 
Accounts  without  your  particular  directions.  As  to  the  Cards,  Captain 
Cazneau  bought  them  when  I  was  confined  in  the  Country,  he  had  a  hundred 
Dollars  of  me  for  that  purpose,  and  I  did  suppose  he  had  given  you  an 
Account  of  them,  I  do  not  know  what  they  Cost,  but  will  inquire  and  inform 
you  in  my  next.  As  to  News,  Sir,  we  have  none  that  we  can  depend  upon. 
Foreign  Affairs  there  is  a  thousand  Reports  about.  Domestic  matters 
continue  much  as  they  did,  our  General  Court  is  yet  puzzling  about  a  Consti 
tution,  I  hear  they  are  exceedingly  divided.  Our  Town  Matters  begin  to 
wear  a  better  face,  many  of  the  Inhabitants  have  lately  returned;  Our 
Militia  is  getting  into  some  Order,  though  it  will  be  nothing  Grand  unless 
it  will  be  better  Officered  than  formerly.  All  friends  are  well,  Mr.  Burr 
&  Lady  are  here.  In  your  last  Letter  I  observe  that  your  Town  &  State 
are  not  to  be  favored  with  a  Visit  this  Season,  for  my  part  I  begin  to  fear, 
if  we  are  to  wait  untill  you  are  at  leisure  before  we  see  you  here,  that  both 
you  and  your  Boy  (for  I  suppose  he  cannot  be  parted  with)  will  stay  in 
Philadelphia  untill  the  War  is  ended,  though  I  hope  the  young  Gentleman 
will  in  due  time  become  more  visible  than  he  has  lately  been,  or  than  Mrs. 
Bant  supposes  he  is  even  now,  unless  the  happy  Genius  of  his  Pappa  has 
push'd  him  into  place,  rather  sooner  than  he  was  expected,  if  so,  I  give 
you  Joy,  Sir,  and  hope  that  Madam  is  comfortable.  Mrs.  Bant  is  very 

148 


anxious  to  know  how  it  is  with  Mrs.  Hancock,  and  prays  you  Sir,  to  be  so 
kind  as  to  give  us  a  Serious  account  as  soon  as  circumstances  will  permit : 
She  joins  me  in  the  most  respectful  Regards  to  you  Sir,  your  Lady  &  Miss 
Quincy,  and  believe  me  in  particular  to  be  worthy  Sir 

Your  ever  Obliged  &  most  Obedient  &  most  humble  Servant 

William  Bant. 

PS.  I  shall  go  to  Salem  on  Monday  with  Mr  Sharp  to  take  a  view 
of  your  Ship  there.  By  my  freinds  here  I  find  that  several  Letters  for  me 
were  sent  to  Philadelphia,  which  did  not  get  there  'till  after  I  left  it ;  shall 
be  much  obliged  if  Mr.  Taylor  when  he  goes  to  the  Office  would  be  so  kind 
as  to  inquire  for  them,  and  if  they  are  there  forward  them  to  me.  I  will 
pay  him  the  Postage  the  first  Opportunity.  * 


Boston  October  21,  1776. 
The  Honble.  John  Hancock  Esqr. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  the  19th.  Since  which  I  have  made  inquiry  &  find 
that  the  Cards  cost  72/cjj}  doz.  both  sorts,  the  case  6/.  I  this  day  was  told 
that  Mr  Saunders  who  lives  in  your  House  had,  sometime  past  sold  a 
quantity  of  Tar  that  belonged  to  you.  I  ask'd  him  about  it,  he  says  that 
before  the  Troops  left  the  Town  there  was  about  30  full  barrells  of  Tar  in 
one  of  the  Stores,  that  he  had  often  been  told  by  the  Soldiers  that  it  would 
certainly  be  seized  for  the  King  because  it  belonged  to  you  he  therefore 
very  prudently  sold  it  for  10/8  cj$  barrell.  The  Money  he  has  applied  to 
his  own  Support  and  says  he  will  account  with  you  for  it,  and  also  that 
his  Stock  is  almost  out  &  he  shall  soon  want  more  Money.  Your  Negro 
Woman,  Agnis,  is  in  Town,  and  has  desired  me  to  mention  to  you  that  she 
begs  you  would  be  so  kind  to  her  as  to  give  her  the  Bed  &  Bedding  that  she 
used  while  in  your  family,  which  is  in  your  House.  Nothing  new  has 
turn'd  up,  Sir,  since  my  last  except  the  Account  of  the  Engagement  on  the 
Lake,  it  is  said  our  Men  behaved  gallantly.  The  new  Arangement  of  the 
Army  engages  the  whole  attention  of  the  General  Court  and  I  hear  by  one 
of  the  Members  that  they  have  resolv'd  to  raise  the  Men's  pay  to  £3.  ^ 
month  if  it  is  not  done  by  the  Grand  Congress.  I  am  exceeding  happy  to 
hear  that  the  Congress  is  about  taking  measures  to  prevent  the  further 
undervaluing  of  their  paper  Currency  by  opening  Loan  Offices  and  giving 
an  Interest.  Unless  something  is  soon  done  to  stop  this  growing  Evil,  it 
will  throw  us  into  the  greatest  Confusion ;  People  here  don't  mind  giving 
the  most  extravagant  prices  for  Goods  and  seem  uneasy  untill  they  have 
exchanged  their  Oacum  &  Issinglass,  as  it  is  called,  meaning  the  Conti 
nental  Money,  for  Articles  which  in  their  Opinion  are  of  more  sure  worth. 
This  Conduct  must  have  a  fatal  tendency  in  every  department  unless 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.ig]. 

149 


Speedily  prevented  by  some  hew  Measures  that  shall  be  sufficient  to  keep 
up  the  Credit  of  the  Currency  to  the  full  value.  The  General  Court  will 
soon  move  to  Town.  All  your  friends,  Sir,  that  is  to  say,  every  Man  I 
meet,  are  frequently  inquiring  after  your  health  &  wellfare,  and  since  the 
Report  that  there  is  a  prospect  of  an  important  addition  to  your  family  I 
have  many  questions  ask'd  me,  that  are  of  a  new  &  particular  kind,  as  they 
respect  you,  Sir,  and  more  especially  by  the  Ladies,  I  hope  soon  to  be  able 
to  answer  them  in  a  more  positive  stile  than  at  present  I  am  able  to  do. 
Mrs.  Bant  joins  me  as  usual,  in  most  respectful  Regards  to  you,  Sir,  Mrs. 
Hancock  and  Miss  Quincy.  I  am,  more  particularly,  worthy  Sir,  Your 
Ever  Obliged  &  most  Obedient  &  most  humble  Servant 

William  Bant. 1 


Boston  December  16.  1776  — 
The  Honble.  John  Hancock  Esqr. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  the  2nd  Ins*.  Since  which  I  have  received  £450. 
Sterling  of  Deacon  Smith  for  the  Ship.  You  may  remember,  Sir,  that  I 
wrote  you  I  sold  her  for  £475.  Stg.  When  the  Sails  &  Rigging  were  put 
to  the  Masts  &  yards,  a  considerable  part  of  the  running  Rigging  was 
missing,  the  Sails  were  in  a  much  worse  condition  than  I  apprehended. 
Some  of  her  plank  are  rotten,  her  standing  Rigging  is  not  sound,  the  Cap 
tain  was  obliged  to  borrow  considerable  Rigging  to  bring  her  here,  many 
of  the  Braces  &  small  Ropes  broke  in  the  hands  of  the  Sailors  in  working 
the  Ship,  most  of  her  small  stores  are  lost,  her  mainmast  must  also  come 
out.  Upon  the  whole  the  Ship  was  in  so  much  worse  Condition  than  Mr 
Smith  apprehended  that  he  began  to  talk  of  not  taking  her :  But  after  a 
good  deal  of  Altercation  I  agreed  to  take  £450  Stg.  and  represent  the 
matter  to  you  and  if  you  should  think  proper  to  make  the  abatement  of  the 
remaining  £25.  Stg.  it  is  to  be  allowed,  if  not,  it  is  to  be  paid  upon  demand 
and  I  took  his  note  of  hand  for  it  accordingly.  The  Ship  is  dear  to  Deacon 
Smith  considering  how  Vessells  are  sold  here  at  present,  he  might  have 
bought  one  much  better  found  than  yours  for  less  money,  however  Sir  in 
common  times  I  apprehend  she  would  be  thought  a  cheap  Vessell  at 
^475.  —  Captain  Cazneau  in  his  late  excursion  Eastward  recd.  of  Dan1. 
Bragdon  of  old  York  £24.67  Lawful  Money  and  his  Note  of  hand  for  the 
ballance  of  his  Account  being  £45,6.7  1/2.  He  also  received  of  Nath1. 
Allen  Esqr  of  Dover  £30  L  M :  and  took  his  Note  for  £172.15.8.  Mr. 
Allen  was  charged  in  his  Account  with  some  Hemp  which  was  did  before 
he  failed  while  he  lived  at  Cape  Ann,  and  he  says  you  recd.  fair  dividend 
of  his  Effects  and  it  was  so  settled,  he  gave  his  Note  for  the  Ballance  of 
his  Account  except  the  Hemp.  He  received  of  Nath1.  Wells  of  Wells  his 
Note  of  hand  for  £277.2.2.  being  the  amount  of  his  Account.  Also  of 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.2i]. 
150 


Jeremiah  Hill  of  Biddeford  his  Note  for  £9.3.6.  and  of  John  Wheelwright 
of  Wells  his  Note  for  £316.3.10.  all  upon  Interest.  Interest  was  charged 
on  all  these  Accounts  after  9  Months  from  the  delivery  of  the  Goods.  I 
have  let  Cap1.  Cazneau  have  £36.187.  Since  your  Orders  to  supply  him. 
Inclosed  you  have  a  Letter  from  Cap*.  Hood,  I  have  let  him  have  £84  L 
Money,  being  near  the  amount  of  the  Ship's  Portledge  Bill,  and  as  I  had 
not  your  Orders  so  to  do,  I  took  his  Note  of  hand  for  the  Money,  he  was 
so  polite  to  you,  Sir,  as  to  threaten  to  stop  the  Ship  if  I  refused  to  let  him 
have  it.  I  have  received  £100.  of  Mr  John  Winthrop  who  promises  to 
make  payment  of  the  whole  of  his  debt  in  a  short  time.  The  Mr.  Brown, 
I  mentioned  to  you  in  a  former  Letter,  as  one  of  Scott's  hands,  is  in  such 
necessitous  circumstances  that  I  have  been  persuaded  to  pay  him.  I  wrote 
you,  Sir,  in  a  former  Letter  that  I  had  let  your  House  that  Mr  Penney 
lately  occupied,  to  Mr  Pierpont  for  Six  Months  on  Condition  that  he  would 
thoroughly  repair  it,  and  he  begun,  cleaned  the  House,  and  he  has  done 
many  things  about  it,  but  the  Fleet  and  Troops  getting  to  Newport  has  so 
intimidated  Mrs.  Pierpont  that  she  does  not  chuse  to  come  into  Town,  and 
he  is  sollicking  to  be  off  the  bargain.  Mr.  Thomas  Cotton  of  Pomfret, 
Administrator  on  the  Estate  of  his  Brother  Samuel  Cotton  deceased, 
which  is  largely  in  debt  to  you,  sent  to  Town,  by  one  of  his  Neighbours 
£  143.7.5  3/4  as  the  second  and  last  Average,  as  he  calls  it,  that  you  will 
receive,  he  brought  a  Certificate  from  the  Register  of  Probate  for  that 
District  wherein  your  whole  proportion  is  made  £373.7.5  3/4.  The  above 
sum  of  £143.7.5  3/4>  together  with  £180  you  received  in  Sep*.  1771,  and 
your  Order  upon  the  Administration  in  favor  of  David  Force  in  December 
following  for  £50,  make  up  the  Sum  mentioned  in  the  Register's  Certifi 
cates.  I  gave  him  a  Receipt  &  recd  the  Money.  I  am  endeavoring  Sir, 
the  Settlement  of  all  your  Accounts,  those  who  cannot  pay  the  Ballances 
due  I  propose  to  take  their  Notes  of  hand  on  Interest.  The  foregoing 
Sir,  is  a  general  State  of  your  Affairs  since  my  last,  you  may  depend 
upon  my  utmost  endeavors  to  settle  your  accounts  &c.  in  the  best  &  speedi 
est  manner  I  shall  be  able.  I  shall  [have]  enough  for  Cazneau  to  do,  he 
has  two  Journies  in  Contemplation  that  will  nigh  be  a  Winter's  Campaign 
for  him.  All  things  remain  in  very  good  Order  at  the  Mansion  House, 
Saunders  &  Spriggs  take  very  good  care  of  every  thing  intrusted  them. 
Mrs.  Campbell  the  Widow  of  your  late  Servant  Campbell,  is  exceeding 
importunate  for  money  pretending  that  considerable  is  due  to  her  for  her 
Husband's  Wages,  I  have  not  paid  her  any,  nor  shall  not  without  your 
Orders.  News,  we  have  enough,  Sir,  and  more  than  enough  for  we  know 
not  what  to  rely  on  for  truth,  the  Accounts  we  have  lately  had  from  the 
Westward  are  daily  contradictory,  and  we  are  held  in  a  most  disagreeable 
suspence  how  Matters  really  are  in  your  quarter.  The  Recruits  for  the 
Army  are  marching  daily,  and  most  that  go  from  this  Quarter,  are  much 
better  Men  taken  in  general,  and  are  better  Officered  than  have  yet 
engaged  in  the  Warn  I  am  without  your  favors  Since  Cap*.  Cazneau 
came.  All  freinds  are  well.  Excuse  haste  Sir,  and  believe  me  to  be  with 


the  greatest  Zeal  &  Sincerity,  very  dear  and  worthy  Sir,  Your  Ever 
Obliged  and  most  Obedient  &  most  humble  Servant 

William  Bant 

P  S.  We  hope  that  Mrs.  Hancock  is  well  abed  and  has  blessed  you 
with  a  fine  Boy,  if  so  Mrs.  Bant  begs  the  favor  of  his  Mama  to  give  him  a 
thousand  kisses  of  wellcome,  and  charge  them  to  her  Account.  I  just  hear 
that  the  Alfred  Man  of  Warr  is  got  in  to  Nantasket. 

Cap*.  Cazneau,  this  minute  coming  in,  desires  his  most  respectful 
[  ]  to  you  Sir,  Mrs.  Hancock  &  your  family.  * 


Thursday 

Boston  March  2Oth.  1777  — 
The  Honorable  John  Hancock  Esqr. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  the  13th.  pr  post  and  informed  you  of  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  Corporation.  Tuesday  the  Board  of  Overseers  mett.  Doctor 
Cooper  tells  me  that  your  Letter  to  the  Corporation  was  laid  before  them, 
with  information  that  I  had  delivered  them  the  Bonds  &c,  sent  by  Mr  Hall. 
After  some  Conversation  they  thought  proper  to  choose  a  Committee  upon 
the  Matter  to  report  at  their  next  Meeting  (Tuesday  next)  the  Commit 
tee  are  Mr.  Greenleaf,  Mr.  Phillips  &  Mr.  Dana  of  the  Council,  with  Mr. 
-Gordon  &  Mr.  Lothrop  of  the  Clergy.  I  suppose  Sir,  that  Congress  will 
by  this  post  have  a  particular  Account  of  the  Grand  Supply  of  Arms 
Powder  Cloathing  &c.  received  from  France,  I  congratulate  you  Sir  on 
this  event,  and  also  on  the  very  important  Intelligence  from  that  Quarter. 
I  have  during  the  whole  War  hoped  that  we  should  not  be  conquered  by 
the  Brute  of  Britain,  I  now  begin  to  settle  down  into  a  sure  and  certain 
hope  that  our  Salvation  draweth  nigh.  O  Britain  what  has  thou  lost. 
The  last  Evening  we  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  two  fine  Prizes  safe 
moored  in  our  Harbour.  One  is  the  Royall  George  taken  by  Cap*.  Stevens, 
her  Cargo  was  mentioned  in  last  Weeks  paper.  The  other  is  the  Ship 
taken  by  the  Lady  Washington  Privateer,  they  were  both  carried  into 
Falmouth,  and  were  ordered  here.  Your  old  freind  Joshua  Blanchard  has 
a  32th  in  the  Royall  George  Jos.  Barrell  has  an  8th,  the  remainder  is  owned 
in  Marblehead.  I  have  received  of  Messrs.  Dutton  Isham  &  Day  £470, 
since  my  last,  they  promise  to  pay  their  Ballance  soon.  The  Town  con 
tinues  in  a  most  deplorable  Condition  with  respect  to  Provisions,  many 
People  cannot  get  a  joint  of  fresh  Meat  once  in  a  fortnight,  and  to  make 
the  matter  compleat  our  fishermen  are  as  bad  as  the  Country  folks.  The 
Court  are  about  remedying  this  Matter  and  I  hope  they  will  effect  it.  All 
things  stand  well  and  in  good  Order  at  the  Mansion  House  and  around  it, 

1  From  fhe  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.23]. 
152 


and  I  have  a  particular  pleasure  in  hopeing  soon  to  see  it  again  in  the  actual 
possession  of  it's  right  Owner.  Mrs.  Bant  joins  me  in  most  respectful 
Regards  to  you,  Sir,  Mrs  Hancock  &  Miss  Quincy.  — 

I  continue  dear  Sir,  with  the  most  unreserved  Offers  of  Service  Your 
greatly  Obliged  most  Obedient  &  most  humble  Serv1 

William  Bant * 


it-     " 


THE  "RAISING    OF  BILLS  OF  CREDIT, 

1776. 


Confessions  of  James  Roby. 

I  James  Roby  of  Hollis  in  the  county  of  Hillsborough,  now  a  prisoner 
in  Salem  goal,  do  of  my  own  free  will,  without  any  compulsion,  confess 
&  declare,  that  I  have  repeatedly  altered  the  bills  of  credit  of  the  colonies 
of  New-Hampshire  &  Rhode  Island,  increasing  the  denomination  of  such 
bills,  particularly  to  forty  shillings,  thirty  shillings,  twenty  shillings,  & 
once  to  ten  shillings ;  &  two  three  shilling  bills  I  altered  making  each  of 
them  three  pounds,  one  of  which  I  passed  to  Mrs.  Higginson  in  Salem 
together  with  another  false  three  pound  bill  which  I  received  of  Joseph 
Kelley  of  Nottingham  West,  in  the  said  county  of  Hillsborough  gentle 
man.  -  The  aforementioned  bills  by  me  altered  I  also  passed  away,  ex 
cept  such  as  were  refused  to  be  taken,  &  the  ten  shilling  bill  which  I  think 
said  Kelley  took  to  pass  away. 

I  also  declare  that  Samuel  Britton,  (who  has  been  for  some  time  past 
roving  about  the  country,  &  whose  last  residence  that  I  have  heard  of  is 
at  Tewksbury)  Joseph  Kelley  aforenamed,  &  Thomas  Cummings  of  Hollis 
aforesaid  yeoman,  have  in  my  presence  altered  and  put  off  the  bills  of 
New-Hampshire  and  Rhode  Island,  increasing  their  denomination,  and 
making  them  into  forty,  thirty,  &  twenty  shillings.  Said  Kelley  I  have 
also  seen  alter  two  eighty  penny  bills  of  Massachusetts-Bay  making  each 
of  them  eight  shillings.  Said  Cummings  did  in  my  presence  at  Hollis 
aforesaid,  in  June  last,  put  off  two  false  and  altered  bills  to  Mr.  Green- 
leaf  a  merchant  or  shop-keeper  in  Hollis,  one  of  said  two  bills  was  altered 
to  thirty  shillings  the  other  to  ten  shillings,  &  said  Cummings  I  think  al 
tered  both  in  my  presence  he  told  me  he  altered  both.  I  also  saw  said 
Kelley  pass  a  Rhode  Island  six  penny  bill,  which  he  before  told  me  he 
had  altered  to  six  shillings,  to  a  tavern  keeper  in  the  center  of  the  town 
of  Haverhill,  whose  name  I  understand  is  Greenleaf.  I  saw  said  Kelley 
put  off  a  false  twenty  shilling  bill  at  a  tavern  keeper's  in  the  way  between 
Haverhill  &  Newbury,  his  name  I  don't  know,  a  young  woman  received  it. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.26]. 

153 


I  saw  said  Britton  put  off  a  false  Rhode  Island  twenty  shilling  bill  to  one 
Bowers  a  tavern-keeper  in  Billerica,  which  bill  I  saw  said  Britton  alter  at 
a  tavern  situated  at  a  point  between  two  roads,  in  the  way  between  Cam 
bridge  &  Watertown.  Said  Kelley  told  me  that  he  had  altered  bills  for 
Samuel  Danforth  of  Tewksbury  in  the  county  of  Middlesex  yeoman,  & 
that  said  Danforth  put  them  off.  I  saw  Thomas  Senter  of  London  Derry 
in  the  county  of  Rockingham  in  New-Hampshire  yeoman,  put  off  a  false 
forty  shilling  bill  to  a  merchant  in  Cambridge,  which  bill  he  said  Thomas 
told  me  he  &  his  brother  Samuel  Senter  of  said  London  Derry  yeoman 
altered  from  fourteen  shillings.  I  also  at  the  same  time  altered  for  said 
Thomas  a  twelve  shilling  bill,  making  it  twenty  shillings.  Not  long  since 
I  also  delivered  to  said  Thomas  Senter  two  false  forty  shilling  bills  which 
I  altered,  &  if  he  passed  them  he  was  to  give  me  one  half ;  but  I  have  not 
seen  him  since.  Said  Samuel  also  told  me  that  he  altered  bills  &  gave  them 
to  his  said  brother  Thomas  to  put  off.  He  said  Samuel  also  shewed  me  a 
New-Hampshire  bill  of  one  shilling  &  six  pence  which  he  said  he  had 
altered  &  made  nine  shillings  and  six  pence. 

Said  Kelley  since  the  last  spring  repeatedly  told  me  that  there  was  a 
press  in  Salem  for  counterfeiting  Rhode  Island  money,  &  that  he  should 
have  a  quantity  of  it.  Said  Samuel  Danforth  also  told  me  there  was  such 
a  press  in  Salem,  &  that  he  was  to  have  some  of  the  money  there  counter 
feited,  thro'  Kelley.  Said  Samuel  Senter  also  told  me  the  same  thing, 
and  that  his  uncle  James  Taylor  of  Merrimack  in  New-Hampshire  was 
to  have  a  share  of  said  forged  money,  &  if  he  had  that  he  said  Samuel  was 
to  have  some  of  his  said  uncle,  to  whom  he  said  he  had  lent  seventy  dollars 
to  be  applied  towards  setting  up  said  press.  Said  Samuel  also  told  me 
that  his  said  uncle  had  sold  his  farm  at  a  place  called  Pine  Hill  in  Hollis 
aforesaid,  that  in  case  people  should  take  notice  of  his  having  a  good 
deal  of  money,  it  might  in  that  way  be  accounted  for.  —  Said  Thomas 
Cummings  also  told  me  that  he  passed  a  false  six  pound  bill,  to  a  hatter 
in  Boston  which  I  think  he  said  Cummings  told  me  he  altered  from  six 
pence;  also  that  Daniel  Farnsworth  of  Groton  in  Middlesex  county  was 
present  when  he  passed  it ;  and  that  he  recd.  for  said  bill  a  hat  valued  at 
forty  shillings,  an  eight  dollar  continental  bill,  and  a  guinea. 

Dated  in  the  Goal  at  Salem  the  fifth  day  of  August  1776. 

James  Roby 

Essex  ss.  The  foregoing  confession  of  James  Roby  was  made  before  me 
the  day  &  year  above  written.  Tim.  Pickering  junr.  Justice  of  the  Peace 

The  further  confession  of  James  Roby. 

I  James  Roby,  now  a  prisoner  in  Salem  goal,  do  of  my  own  free  will 
confess  and  declare  that  I  have  at  divers  times  since  the  last  spring  in 
formed  John  Holland  of  Amherst  in  the  county  of  Hillsboro'  gentleman, 
that  I  altered  the  bills  of  credit  of  some  of  the  New  England  Colonies  or 
States,  that  are  now  &  were  then  current,  &  twice  shewn  him  bills  so  al 
tered,  by  increasing  their  denomination ;  &  often  asked  him  to  pass  them, 

154 


but  he  always  refused,  saying  he  could  live  without  it,  &  that  they  (mean 
ing  the  people  at  &  about  Amherst)  had  such  a  spite  against  him,  that  if 
he  should  be  found  out,  they  would  kill  him ;  and  once  added  "and  damn 
it,  it  does  not  look  honest."  He  was  never  present  when  I  passed  any  false 
bills.  Afterwards  I  was  once  present  with  said  Holland  at  the  house  of 
Samuel  Cummings  Esqr.  of  Hollis,  where  said  Holland  was  then  unwell; 
and  I  then  &  there  altered  divers  of  bills  of  credit  now  current,  and  said 
Holland  came  to  the  table  &  said  he  would  try  if  he  could  alter  them,  & 
took  two  words,  cut  out  of  a  book  to  scrape  them  thin,  in  order  to  paste 
on  to  the  bills,  &  I  told  him  how  to  go  to  work ;  he  scraped  them  a  little 
while,  and  returned  them  to  me,  saying,  I  cannot  work  in  paper  as  you 
can ;  and  then  laid  down  on  the  bed  &  laughed,  &  said  "this  is  a  droll  way 
of  making  money".  -  -  Some  time  after  this  said  Holland  told  me  he  had 
tried  to  alter  a  bill,  &  pulled  it  out  &  shewed  it  to  me :  I  told  him  he  did 
not  know  how  to  work  very  well :  I  know  it,  says  he ;  &  then  twisted  the 
bill  up  &  said  he  would  destroy  it ;  and  I  swear,  says  he,  I  will  never  alter 
another.  This  I  think  was  a  Rhode-Island  bill,  &  altered  from  two  to  ten 
shillings. 

James  Roby 

Essex  ss.  August  29.  1776.  The  aforegoing  confession  was  made  before 
me,  Timothy  Pickering  junr.  Jus.  o'  Peace. 

NB.  Sd.  Robie  recognized  in  Court  at  Salem  Feb^  4.  1777  in  the  Sum  of 
£  50.  for  his  appear06  at  next  Term  to  answer  for  the  above  offence.1 


HENRY  KNOX. 


Henry  Knox  to  Henry  Jackson. 

Camp  Bucks-County  2Oth  Aug*  1777 
my  Dear  friend 

I  received  yours  of  the  7th  instant,  and  am  much  diverted  at  the 
ridiculous  exhibition  of  the  money  makers  on  the  suppos'd  appearance  of 
the  enemy  in  the  Bay.  poor  devils,  they  are  very  like  to  the  hardned 
Sinner  who  never  thinks  of  death  untill  he  Seizes  him  &  then  alls  horrror 
and  confusion. 

I  am  shock'd  at  your  representation  of  the  want  of  patriotism,  and 
am  willing  to  beleeive  the  warmth  of  my  friends  Ideas  has  led  him  to 
draw  conclusions,  which  a  dispassionate  survey  would  not  warrant  — 
My  God  is  it  possible  that  the  people  who  two  years  ago  were  the  fore- 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Chazn.F.2.i7].  The  document  is 
in  the  writing  of  Timothy  Pickering. 

155 


most  in  the  noble  cause  of  Liberty  should  now  shrink  from  the  appear 
ance  of  an  enemy  ?  -  -  after  having  suf f er'd  and  brav'd  danger  in  a  man 
ner  that  would  have  given  additional  Splendor  to  a  roman,  to  meanly 
shrink  from  an  enemy,  who  in  many  points  of  view  is  laughable  -  -  'tis 
too  much. 

I  am  also  surpriz'd  and  shock'd  at  the  supiness  shewn  by  the  New 
England  States  on  the  untoward  situation  of  our  affairs  at  the  north 
ward  -  The  people  in  the  southern  states  exclaim  loudly  at  their  non- 
exertions  at  the  time  when  they  are  so  much  wanted  -  -  I  know  the  offi 
cers  in  that  Department  has  been  the  objection,  but  that  is  remov'd. 
Burgoynes  temerity  opens  wide  the  door  for  his  destruction,  and  it  will 
be  an  eternal  disgrace  to  the  New  Engand  Colonies  if  it  is  not  accom- 
plish'd. 

What  avails  idle  excuses  at  this  time,  such  as  "my  business  will  not 
permit  me  to  go"  -  "my  wife  expects  to  lye  in"  -  "I  shall  lose  a  very 
good  bargain"  —  those  people  who  make  them  are  ripe  for  Slavery  and  I 
shall  hope  to  have  in  my  power  to  put  them  in  to  some  mines  for  the  ser 
vice  of  the  public  —  wretches  who  refuse  to  exert  and  expose  themselves 
a  little,  that  they  &  they  [their]  posterity  may  enjoy  all  the  felicities  & 
blessings  of  Liberty  —  I  maintain  it  that  America  is  not  safe  untill  the 
delegates  of  the  people  have  power  to  Coerce  the  Lazy  —  Disobedient  and 
refractory  —  at  times  of  such  imminent  danger,  all  the  people  ought  as 
one  man  turn  out  and  save  themselves  from  Slavery  —  the  time  will  come 
or  thefy]  must  submit  to  be  made  the  tools  of  an  inveterate  enemy.  It  is 
reported  that  Mr  Howe  has  gone  to  South  Carolina  which  I  shall  be  in- 
clin'd  to  beleive  except  You  know  more  of  him  at  the  time  you  shall  re 
ceive  this  than  I  do.  I  am  afraid  the  fear  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia  has 
led  us  into  a  snare  —  time  will  shew  how  this  is  —  I  believe  their  fear 
will  subside  and  some  vigorous  measures  take  place  in  its  room  —  The 
General  has  repeatedly  written  to  the  State  respecting  your  Regiments  & 
if  they  will  not  exert  thems  [elves]  it  shews  the  weakness  of  the  Govern 
ment  —  indeed  it  has  been  my  opinion  for  a  long  time  that  the  representa 
tives  themselves  by  doubting  their  own  power,  has  communicated  their 
doubts  to  their  constituents  —  who  have  refusd  to  Obey  the  impotence 
of  a  Resolve  —  had  a  contrary  conduct  been  resolv'd  upon  all  the  Regi 
ments  would  have  been  completed  by  this  time  — 

I  am  my  dear  Harry 
Your  very  affectionate  friend 
H.  Knox  — 1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.7.84]. 


156 


NATHANIEL  APPLETON. 


Nathaniel  Appleton  to Lovell. 

Boston  April  28th.  1778 

Dear  Sr:  Notwithstanding  I  have  neglected  so  long  to  acknowlege  your 
favours  14th.  Ult°.  inclosing  Mr  Amory8.  Letter,  yet  be  assured  it  is  with 
the  greatest  pleasure  that  I  receive  a  Line  from  my  much  respected  Friend 
Lovell  whose  suffering,  &  exertions  for  the  Rights  &  Liberties  of  his 
Country  intitle  Him  to  the  greatest  respect,  pardon  me  I  had  most  for 
gotten  who  I  was  writing  to 

The  Letter  you  inclosed  me  is  very  similar  to  the  Account  he  gave  me 
of  the  matter  while  here,  I  believe  it  was  in  Mr.  As.  power  to  give  such  a 
colouring  to  the  manner  in  which  he  took  the  Oath,  as  would  have  put  him 
into  the  Class  of  Duress,  but  Mr.  A  came  hot  from  the  glare  of  British 
power  &  could  not  suddenly  bring  himself  to  conceive  the  same  reverence 
due  to  his  own  Countrymen,  could  not  realize  us  Independant  States,  & 
so  dare  not  in  any  respect  vitiate  his  Denizenship  with  them,  he  put  on  a 
firmness  to  counteract  the  softer  passions,  while  here,  that  he  seems  to 
have  abated  something  of  in  his  Letter  to  you.  you  know  Johny  is  sud 
den  in  his  determinations,  he  did  not  meet  at  first  with  that  reception  he 
expected,  &  suddenly  determined  not  to  attempt  an  accomodation  in  his 
embarrassd  circumstances,  which  in  my  opinion  shew  more  obstinacy  than 
good  judgement  considering  the  peculiar  situation  of  his  family  Mr.  A 
&  many  others  may  be  compared  to  the  Boys  &  Frogs  in  the  Fable,  as  to 
their  former  conduct  it  might  be  only  funn  &  sport  with  them  to  pelt  & 
laugh  but  its  effects  if  not  suddenly  quashed  would  have  been  death  to  us 
or  the  great  serious  Cause  in  which  we  were  engaged ;  I  am  heartily  sorry 
that  Mr.  A  has  fallen  into  this  predicament,  he  certainly  has  many  virtues 
for  which  I  esteem  him  &  had  it  not  been  for  his  connections  he  might 
now  have  been  a  vauable  member  of  this  Community  I  shew  the  Letter 
to  Mr.  S.  A.  agreable  to  your  desire,  whose  opinion  I  need  not  mention 
as  this  goes  by  him  who  you  will  doubtless  be  glad  to  see.  we  are  sorry 
to  have  him  leave  the  Town  but  think  it  proper  he  should  be  active  in  a 
more  import  [ant]  sphere  at  this  most  important  time  -  -  I  congratulate 
you  on  the  great  &  very  seasonable  News  from  Europe  it  gives  new  spring 
to  all  the  true  Independants,  which  I  trust,  are  this  way,  Vastly  the  ma 
jority,  I  sincerely  pray  the  Fountain  of  all  Wisdom  &  Goodness  to  direct 
the  Congress  at  this  time  when  our  Enemies  are  about  to  try  to  accomplish 
that  by  artifice  which  they  cannot  by  force,  it  was  always  said  of  Britain 
tho  she  beat  in  field,  but  was  beat  in  the  Negotiations  with  France,  now 
if  we  can  beat  them  in  both,  we  shall  attract  the  admiration  of  all  the 
World,  oh  the  pittyfull  shifts  they  are  put  to  to  send  over  an  half  begotten 
illbegotten  Hemorphridite  which  is  neither  male  or  female  Dependant  or 
Independent  not  yet  born,  yet  sent  across  the  Atlantic  to  accomplish  more 

157 


than  60,000  men  could  do,  oh !  strange  —  but  where  am  I  rambling  to,  it 
grows  late  —  just  a  word  about  home,  I  saw  Mrs.  Lovell  Sunday  well, 
am  sorry  for  your  loss  —  have  not  heard  a  word  from  Mr.  Walker  for 
many  months  he  has  never  wrote  from  Camp.  Balch  is  up  in  the  Woods 
making  Hats  &  Hay,  my  family  are  all  well,  my  Office  constantly  engages 
me  tho'  to  little  proffit,  Mr.  Adams  will  shew  you  my  thoughts  upon  that 
subject  —  money  scarce,  all  sorts  of  goods  fall  tho'  —  home  produce 
slowest  — 

Your  sincere  Friend,  N.  Appleton  —  * 


WILLIAM  DONNISON. 


William  Donnison  to  Dzvight  Foster. 

Boston  July  2Oth.  1779.  — 
Dear  Sir 

Altho'  you  require  but  a  single  line,  in  return,  yet  I  will  burthen  you 
with  many,  notwithstanding  the  whole  matter  herein  contain'd  might  be 
comprized  within  that  restriction  —  You  seem  to  fancy  that  it  is  the 
determination  of  the  Enemy  to  carry  on  the  Extremes  of  War,  if  so,  how 
is  it  in  our  power  to  retalliate,  by  destroying  our  own  Cities  and  Villages  ? 
We  are  not  capable  of  carrying  the  war  over  the  atlantic,  therefore  in  that 
respect  they  have  the  superior  advantage,  their  fleet  commands  our  Coasts 
and  thereby  accessable  to  their  troops,  we  are  wholly  expos'd  and  they  in 
safety,  this  Metropolis  may  be  taken  at  any  time  with  3  ships  of  the  Line 
and  5,000  troops  —  and  further  more,  the  half  of  the  people  wish  their 
coming.  We  have  just  recd.  an  Account  from  Gen1.  Gates  of  the  Reduc 
tion  of  a  fort  on  the  north  river,  but  the  people  know  the  credulous  dis 
position  of  the  Gen1,  so  well  that  they  place  no  confidence  in  any  Account 
he  may  transmit  hither. 

Our  fleet  Saild  three  days  since,  they  are  to  touch  at  N  Hampshire 
to  recieve  troops,  to  take  under  convoy  some  more  transports  and  be  joiml 
by  some  Ships  of  War  and  then  proceed  to  the  seat  of  opperation,  their 
force  consists  of  I  frigate  10  Ships  of  20  Guns  &  upwards,  10  Brigs  & 
I  Sloop  of  12  Guns  &  upwards,  land  force  uncertain  -  -  believe  to  be 
about  2500  —  -  must  quit  one  lawyer  to  have  to  do  with  another  I  have  a 
case  depending  at  Court  and  must  attend.  I  had  rather  have  to  do  with 
the  -  -  than  with  a  Lawyer  in  their  way  of  business.  Am  with  friend 
ship  and  respect  Yr  Hble  Serv*. 

William  Donnison  2 
Dwight  Foster  Esqr. 

Providence. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.F.2.2g]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.3o]. 

158 


BOUNTIES  TO  SOLDIERS 

AND    THE    DEPRECIATION    OF    THE 

CONTINENTAL  CURRENCY, 


1780. 


To  the  Honorable  Council  and  House  of  Representatives  in  General 
Court  assembled  —  May  it  please  your  Honors. 

The  Committee  from  the  Massach.  line  of  the  Army  would  have  been 
perticularly  happy  to  have  had  it  in  their  power  to  inform  this  Honorable 
Court  at  their  first  meeting  that  the  Business  on  which  they  were  sent  was 
accomplished  in  such  a  manner  as  to  have  done  that  Justice  to  the  Army 
which  they  had  a  right  to  expect  not  only  from  their  long  and  patient  ser 
vices  under  every  disadvantage  which  could  possibly  attend  them  but  also 
from  the  liberal  promises  made  them  by  this  State.  Yet  we  feel  a  con 
sciousness  that  no  exertions  of  ours  have  been  wanting  to  accomplish  this 
desireable  purpose  and  that  we  have  strained  no  point  beyond  the  line 
of  Justice  and  equity. 

Previous  to  the  last  adjournment  of  the  Court  we  presented  a  me 
morial  wherein  we  pointed  out  the  reason  which  then  Occured  why  Town 
Bounties  and  private  hire  should  not  be  Considered  in  the  present  Settle 
ment.  In  addition  to  those  reasons  we  would  beg  leave  further  to  observe 
that  the  Resolve  of  Court  passed  last  session  which  excluded  those  Boun 
ties  being  published  by  authority  in  General  Orders  was  made  use  of  as  an 
inducement  for  the  Men  to  reingage  in  the  service.  A  very  considerable 
number  therefore  viewing  the  matter  upon  that  Generous  scale  and  being 
fully  convinced  that  the  State  was  determined  they  should  not  suffer  by 
the  depreciation  of  the  Currency  reinlisted  upon  those  considerations. 

Should  these  Bounties  now  be  deducted  and  the  soldiers  who  have 
reinlisted  be  deprived  of  that  consideration  which  they  considered  them 
selves  entitled  to  from  the  publication  of  a  resolve  we  fear  it  would  in 
some  measure  destroy  that  confidence  which  they  ought  to  place  in  the 
faith  of  the  Publick  and  will  be  attended  with  disagreeable  consequences 
in  the  Recruiting  service.  On  this  head  we  would  further  observe  that 
the  principal  part  of  those  bounties  were  given  to  men  who  engaged  late 
in  the  year  1777  and  in  78  after  the  Currency  had  depreciated  very  con 
siderably  and  we  find  by  Calculation  that  those  sums  received  from  Towns 
Added  to  the  State  and  Continental  Bounties  are  not  much  more  valuable 
than  the  state  and  Continental  Bounties  alone  were  to  those  who  Inlisted 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1777. 

159 


Considering  the  matter  therefore  in  this  point  of  view  those  principles 
of  equal  Justice  which  we  are  perswaded  influenced  the  Court  in  their 
last  determination  with  regard  to  Town  Bounties  will  be  destroyed  unless 
the  Depreciation  is  made  good  in  the  Continental  and  State  Bounties  at 
the  time  of  inlistments,  and  the  Situation  of  those  soldiers  who  inlisted 
late  will  by  no  means  be  so  advantageous  as  those  who  first  inlisted  with 
out  a  Town  Bounty. 

Another  Difficulty  has  arisen  in  the  Course  of  the  business  which  we 
conceive  (?)  we  had  little  reason  to  expect  and  that  is  the  manner  of 
valueing  the  Pay  we  have  receiv'd  from  the  Continent.  We  cannot  recon 
cile  it  to  any  principles  of  Justice  and  Equity  to  consider  this  pay  more 
valuable  than  it  was  when  the  Army  receiv'd  it  from  the  publick.  For 
had  the  payment  been  delay'd  these  three  years  past  and  the  Army  receiv'd 
no  part  of  their  pay  till  the  present  time  we  cannot  Immagine  that  this 
Honorable  Court  would  in  that  case  thought  it  Just  or  reasonable  to  charge 
the  Army  with  the  full  sum  their  pay  would  amount  to  if  valued  by  the 
rate  of  Depreciation  settled  for  each  month  during  the  whole  time  when  in 
fact  it  would  not  be  worth  more  than  one  eighth  part  of  that  sum. 

As  the  Currency  has  been  continually  varying  and  for  the  most  part 
rapidly  Depreciating  we  cannot  concieve  any  other  possible  method  of 
stamping  the  true  value  upon  the  wages  received  than  by  the  rate  of 
Depreciation  at  the  time  when  the  General  Payments  were  made. 

We  are  fully  persuaded  the  design  of  the  Resolve  which  promised  to 
make  the  Army  good  was  to  indemnify  them  for  every  loss  they  had  sus 
tained  on  account  of  the  Depreciation  of  the  Currency.  And  it  is  evident 
this  design  will  be  frusterated  if  their  Continental  pay  is  valued  by  the 
rate  of  depreciation  any  number  of  months  before  it  was  received 'by  the 
Army  from  the  Publick  and  the  value  will  appear  proportionably  greater 
as  the  Depreciation  was  less  at  that  time  when  the  payments  were  made 
and  this  loss  ocation'd  by  the  Depreciation  from  the  time  it  was  valued  to 
the  time  of  payment  wil  not  be  made  good. 

We  were  intitled  by  a  Resolve  of  Congress  to  our  pay  at  the  Close  of 
each  month  and  if  the  Depreciation  of  the  pay  is  not  made  good  from  the 
time  it  became  due  to  the  time  the  different  payments  were  made  by  the 
publick  we  find  by  calculation  it  will  deprive  us  of  a  considerable  part  of 
what  would  be  otherwise  due  on  account  of  the  Depreciation  of  the  Cur 
rency.  And  as  it  was  no  fault  of  the  Army  that  the  payments  were  not 
punctually  made  we  cannot  concieve  that  this  Honorable  Court  will  think 
it  consistant  with  reason  and  Justice  that  they  and  they  only  should  suffer 
the  loss  occationed  by  that  delay  especially  as  the  Publick  were  in  some 
measure  benefitted  by  the  measure  seeing  it  kept  the  sums  due  to  the  Army 
out  of  Circulation  during  the  periods  they  were  deprived  of  it. 

But  perhaps  it  may  be  objected  that  it  was  not  the  fault  of  this  State 
that  the  payments  were  not  punctual;  but  of  Congress.  In  answer  to 
which  we  would  observe  'tho  far  from  attributing  any  design  of  injustice 
tc  them  yet  as  the  Currency  was  emitted  by  the  authority  of  Congress  and 
was  distributed  by  their  directions  consequently  the  whole  of  the  Depre 
ciation  was  owing  to  them  and  not  to  this  state  any  farther  than  this  State 

160 


makes  a  part  of  the  Continent.  So  that  the  Objection  of  making  good  any 
part  will  equally  apply  as  to  making  good  the  depreciation  from  the  time 
that  the  pay  became  due  until  the  General  payments  were  made. 

But  as  Congress  have  reffered  the  matter  to  the  several  States  to 
make  good  the  losses  their  respective  Quota's  of  the  Army  have  sustained 
on  account  of  the  depreciation  of  the  Currency  we  would  therefore  submit 
to  this  Honorable  Court  whether  this  matter  does  not  fall  within  their 
province  as  we  conceive  neither  the  Recommendation  of  Congress  or  the 
Resolve  of  the  State  wherein  they  engage  to  make  good  the  wages  of  the 
establishment  of  Congress  will  be  fully  complied  with  unless  we  are  in 
demnified  for  every  Disadvantage  sustain'd  by  the  Depreciation. 

We  have  been  more  perticular  on  this  head  as  it  is  a  Claim  the  Com 
mittee  of  Court  did  not  consider  at  liberty  by  any  Resolve  to  admit  though 
sensible  at  the  same  time  that  our  pay  wil  not  otherwise  be  made  good  and 
it  will  establish  a  precedent  by  which  in  case  of  appreciation  of  the  Cur 
rency  the  State  will  in  future  receive  an  advantage  'tho  the  Army  will 
have  no  more  than  Justice  done  them  in  case  of  Depreciation. 

We  have  the  Honor  to  be 
March  9th  1780  [No  signatures.] 


SAMUEL  COLEMAN. 


Samuel  Coleman  to  Dwight  Foster. 

Park  of  Artillery  Near  Morris-Town 

March  19th.  1780. 
Dear  Foster, 

Previous  to  my  departure  from  Windsor  I  had  for  several  Weeks, 
in  vain  visited  the  Post-office  in  Hartford  for  a  Letter  from  my  friend. 
A  mortifying  disappointment  was  what  I  always  met  with;  I  will,  how 
ever,  rather  impute  it  to  the  severity  of  the  Weather  which  no  doubt  pre 
vented  the  Post  from  performing  his  duty,  than  any  neglect  in  You.  This 
is  a  conclusion  which  perhaps  my  Pride  has  as  great  a  share  in  as  my 
friendly  disposition  towards  you:  but  this  is  only  a  conjecture  of  mine; 
you  may  probably  determine  aright  on  the  matter.  Why  I  have  not  wrote 
you  before  now  since  my  leaving  Connecticut  is  owing  to  the  unsettled 
state  in  which  I  have  ever  since  been.  The  12th.  January  I  left  Windsor  & 
after  suffering  eight  days  violent  fatigue  &  very  severe  cold  I  arrived  at 
Morris-Town  where,  the  fatigue  and  cold  I  had  suffered  in  the  journey  in 
conjunction  with  the  old  disorder  which  I  have  not  yet  got  rid  of,  after 
eight  or  ten  Days,  made  it  necessary  for  me  to  take  up  my  Quarters  within 
the  Viscinage  of  the  general  Hospital  near  Pluckemin,  where  I  have  con 
tinued  ever  since  till  within  this  day  or  two,  but  am  now  happily  settled 

161 


in  Camp  tho'  not  quite  so  well  as  I  could  wish,  yet  I  hope  in  a  fair  way  for 
a  perfect  recovery. 

The  good  News  of  importance  in  this  quarter  is  an  account  of  the 
present  favourable  situation  of  affairs  in  Ireland  the  particulars  of  which 
you  no  doubt  have  been  &  are  now  happy  in  the  knowledge  of.  There  is 
also  a  prospect  of  settling  a  Cartel  for  the  general  exchange  of  Prisoners, 
a  circumstance  I  am  happy  in  reflecting  on  as  it  will  be  the  means  of  re 
storing  some  of  our  most  valuable  Officers  to  the  generous  use  of  their 
sword  in  behalf  of  their  injured  Country.  There  is  many  various  conjec 
tures  respecting  what  may  turn  up  during  the  course  of  the  ensuing  Cam 
paign  here ;  Some  very  sanguinely  flatter  themselves  with  an  early  cessa 
tion  of  Arms  by  a  general  pascification.  —  This  however  distant  is  most 
devoutly  to  be  wished  on  our  part  that  some  effectual  remedies  may  be 
applied  to  the  many  disorders  too  apparrent,  from  the  present  disposition 
of  our  People,  in  our  Constitution.  A  considerable  revolution  must  take 
place :  The  want  of  Public  Virtue,  or  perhaps  the  designs  of  the  intrigu 
ing  part  of  the  Community,  will  make  it  inevitable.  Postponing  the  regu 
lation  of  Prices  have  given  an  additional  stab  to  the  Currency  of  which 
it  will  be  with  difficulty  recovered  and  no  doubt  but  something  or  other 
will  constantly  be  apply'd  as  a  cure  which  will  produce  effects  diametrically 
opposite ;  in  short  I  am  out  of  all  hopes  that  it  will  ever  be  restored  to  its 
much  wanted  vigour. 

The  Provision  issued  to  our  Brigade  is  but  very  barely  sufficient  to 
support  it,  what  remains  of  it  is,  however,  pretty  well  cloathed,  which  I 
believe  is  the  situation  of  the  Army  in  general  &  I  might  add  as  is  cust- 
tomary  they  are  in  pretty  good  spirits ;  This  in  part  may  be  true,  but  it  is 
as  certain  that  great  part  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line  is  very  much  discon 
tented  from  a  dispute  between  the  Officers  and  soldiers  respecting  the  in- 
listments  of  the  latter,  many  of  whom  contend  they  were  listed  but  for 
three  years  while  their  Officers  insist  on  their  being  inlisted  during  the 
War.  This  dispute  caused  such  frequent  desertions  while  those  troops 
were  on  Command  on  the  Lines,  that  it  was  thought  expedient  to  man  the 
Line  with  the  Troops  from  Connecticut  alone. 

I  shall  conclude  with  again  requesting  you  to  pursue  the  subject  of 
your  first  favour  to  me  since  my  departure  from  Providence,  which  is  all 
I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  from  my  Friend  Foster.  I  have  re 
quested  to  be  remembered  to  all  my  Acquaintance  in  a  Letter  to  Joseph 
Rogers  which  accompanies  this  from  your  sincerely 

Affectionate  friend 

Sam  Coleman 
Dwight  Foster,  Esq'.1 


1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.32]. 
162 


OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


Oliver  Wolcott  to  Topping  Reeve. 

Philadelp3.  16  Janry.  1781. 
Sir 

The  unhappy  Disturbance  in  the  Pensylvania  Line  is  quieted  — 
Many  of  them  are  Discharged  especially  such  as  claimed  to  be  dis 
missed  as  they  had  inlisted  for  three  years  or  during  the  War.  This 
Ambiguous  Inlistment  has  been  the  occasion  of  much  Difficulty  —  be 
sides  this  the  State  hired  Men  lately  at  the  Incampment  of  the  Line 
to  inlist  during  the  War  by  a  Bounty  of  Nine  pounds  in  Specie  — 
These  Circumstances  attending  such  as  have  been  common  to  the  other 
Lines,  Viz.  the  Want  of  Pay  and  proper  supplies,  seems  to  have  been 
the  principal  Causes  of  the  late  Disturbance.  The  Line  discovered 
their  abhorrence  of  entering  into  the  British  Service  by  their  rejecting 
Very  alluring  Offers  and  by  their  delivering  up  to  be  executed  the 
Comissarys  Sent  out  by  the  British  Commander  to  Seduce  them  from 
their  Allegiance. 

Every  Principle  of  Justice  as  well  as  Prudence  dictate  the  Neces 
sity  of  paying  the  Army  —  And  Congress  have  called  again  upon  the 
States  to  enable  them  to  Effect  it.  To  Pay  and  Provide  for  the  Army 
ought  certainly  to  be  the  primary  Objects  in  every  deliberative 
Council.  — 

You  will  Perceive  by  the  enclosed  Paper  that  the  Enemy  have 
begun  to  Ravage  Virginia  —  We  have  no  very  late  News  Southward 
of  that  State  But  what  you  will  probably  see  in  your  own  Papers. 
The  general  State  of  affairs  in  Carolina  and  Georgia  seems  to  be 
that  the  Enemy  are  exercising  the  greatest  Severity  upon  the  Inhabi 
tants  —  And  that  the  People  especially  in  the  Northern  Parts  of  those 
States,  are  taking  every  Opportunity  in  which  they  are  frequently 
successful,  to  repel  the  Violence. 

We  have  no  very  late  Intelligence  from  Europe.  — 

The  New  Money  of  this  State  is  but  just  coming  out  —  so  that  it 
cannot  yet  be  Said,  what  will  be  the  Degree  of  Credit  which  it  will 
obtain  —  But  it  will  soon  be  in  Circulation,  whether  the  Tender  Act 
of  this  State  will  Accelerate  the  Circulation,  cannot  now  be  ascer 
tained  — 

I  receive  no  Letters  from  Litchfield  —  Whether  the  Want  of 
Opportunity  to  Write  —  or  the  Apprehension  of  Letters  miscarrying 


prevent,  my  having  them  I  cannot  say  —  Altho  I  think  that  Letters 
will  come  by  the  Post  with  tolerable  Safety  -  -  My  best  Compliments 
to  Mrs.  Reeve  who  I  hope  enjoys  better  Health  —  I  am  Sir 

With  much  Regard 

Your  most  Obed.  Serv* 

Oliver  Wolcott 
Tapping  Reeve  Esq  :* 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 


Richard  Henry  Lee  to  Arthur  Lee. 

Epping  Forest  May  13,  1781. 
My  dear  Brother. 

You  may  observe  from  the  place  from  whence  I  write  that  Chan- 
tilly  is  no  longer  our  place  of  residence.  Since  you  left  us  we  have 
been  taught  to  expect,  and  we  have  been  vigorously  preparing  to 
receive  properly  on  Potomac  the  hostile  visit  that  has  lately  done  so 
much  damage  upon  James  river.  It  seems  more  than  probable  that 
the  enemy  intended  here  after  they  had  burnt  most  of  the  great 
Warehouses  on  James  river,  because  they  had  descended  as  low  as 
James  Town,  when  meeting  with  dispatch  vessels  from  below  they 
returned  with  great  quickness  up  to  Hoods,  landed,  and  proceeded 
southward  —  the  Marquis  crossed  James  river  and  pursuing  them, 
they  have  turned  about  and  have  again  approached  James  river,  that 
of  Appomattox  being  between  them&the  Marquis  —  who  cannot  cross 
the  latter  river  without  putting  it  in  the  power  of  the  enemy  to  push 
up  James  River  &  destroy  Richmond  before  he  could  recross  Appa- 
mattox  and  arrive  to  prevent  them  —  this  is  the  cruel  mischief  that 
attends  our  want  of  marine  force  —  with  a  tenth  of  our  land  power 
they  can  baffle  and  injure  us  most  essentially  having  the  command  of 
the  water.  At  this  moment,  if  their  water  force  in  James  river  was 
put  into  our  hands,  their  Army  would  be  so  likewise  in  a  few  days  — 
We  understand  that  Cornwallis  is  at  Hallifax  in  N.  Carolina  looking 
this  way  —  that  Gen.  Green  has  given  a  capital  defeat  to  Lord  Rodden 
[Rawdon]  near  Cambden,  and  that  our  affairs  in  the  South  wear  a 
good  aspect  —  Can  we  not  get  a  fleet  to  come  here,  it  will  produce 
most  salutary  consequences.  Have  Congress  seen  the  very  artful  and 
dangerous  proclamation  lately  published  by  Arbuthnot  &  Clinton? 
It  is  published  at  N.  York  the  29th  of  december  and  is  now  most 
diligently  circulating  in  these  Southern  States,  whilst  we  have  no 
Press  &  no  means  of  counteracting  its  malignity  —  Surely  Congress 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts 
164 


will  publish  such  an  answer  as  it  easily  admits  of  and  cause  a  suffi 
ciency  of  Hand  bills  to  be  printed  for  dispersion,  especially  in  these 
southern  parts  where  a  want  of  Presses  renders  us  in  a  great  measure 
a  prey  to  such  artifices  as  this  proclamation  —  I  think  that  no  time 
is  to  be  lost  in  doing  this  —  I  inclose  you  now  an  accurate  list  of  my 
Tickets  in  the  4th  class  of  the  Cont1.  Lottery  —  I  find  that  there  is  one 
Ticket  more  than  I  had  in  the  third  class  and  of  a  number  different 
from  any  that  I  had  in  that  Class.  It  was  among  the  numbers!  of 
those  Tickets  that  my  most  worthy  friend  Dr,  Shippen  the  elder  sent 
me  when  you  came  to  Virginia  the  number  is  13,  687  and  it  may  be  one 
of  his  own  Tickets  sent  me  by  mistake  —  Speak  to  him  on  the  subject 
&  let  him  know  that  the  Ticket  is  here  with  me  —  Be  so  kind  as  to 
inform  me  of  the  fate  of  my  Tickets  and  get  me  the  pamphlet 
commonly  published  by  the  Managers  after  every  Lottery  shewing 
the  fate  of  all  Tickets  —  Pray  bestir  yourself,  get  us  a  french  fleet 
here,  and  a  good  answer  to  this  insidious  proclamation  —  God  bless 
you  and  make  you  as  happy  as  I  wish  you  to  be  —  Our  love  to  fourth 
Street  &  my  respects  to  my  old  Whig  friends  in  Congress  — 
Unalterably  yours 

Richard  Henry  Lee.1 

I  hope  Mr  Izard  is  well  recovered  from  his  illness  —  it  will  make  me 
happy  to  know  it. 


ABIEL  FOSTER. 


Abiel  Foster  to  M.  Weare. 

Princeton  23d.  October  1783. 
Sir. 

I  enclose  a  Copy  of  a  Resolution  of  Congress  for  a  second  foederal 
Town  on  the  Potomack,  at,  or  near  George  Town;  and  for  adjourning 
Congress  to  meet  at  Anapolis,  on  the  twenty  Sixth  of  November  next. 
The  reasons  of  this  resolution  were,  the  uneasiness  of  the  southern  Deli- 
gates  at  fixing  the  residence  on  the  Delaware,  at,  or  near  the  falls  above 
Trenton;  and  the  apprehensions  of  the  Northern  States,  that  no  other 
measures  would  prove  effectual  to  prevent  the  return  of  Congrdss  to 
Philadelphia,  for  a  temporary  residence. 

An  authenticated  Copy  of  the  provisional  Articles,  and  of  the  rati 
fication  of  the  same  by  Congress,  is  ordered  to  be  transmitted  to  the 


the   Chamberlain   Manuscripts    [Cham.  E.g.i6]     On    the  back    of 
this  letter  are  some  memoranda  in  the  writing  of  Arthur  Lee. 


165 


respective  States:  the  desine  is,  that  they  may  take  no  measures  incon 
sistent  with  those  Articles  &  which  would  render  the  fulfilment  thereof 
impracticable.  The  Articles  themselves  do  not  seem  sufficiently  explicit. 
A  question  may  arise,  at  what  period  are  they  to  take  place  in  America? 
Whither  on  the  cessation  of  hostilities  in  consequence  of  the  proclamation 
(which  was  no  part  of  the  preliminary  Articles)  or  on  the  ratification 
of  those  Articles  in  America,  or  not  untill  the  ratification  of  the  difini- 
tive  Treaty,  in  which  the  provisional  Articles  are  to  be  inserted  and  to 
constitute  part  thereof.  While  we  are  waiting  for  the  definitive  Treaty 
(which  will  I  hope  remove  these  difficulties)  every  State  will  do  well 
to  judge  in  the  best  manner  they  can,  on  the  sense  of  the  provisional 
Articles,  and  endeavor  to  do  nothing  inconsistent  with  what  is  therein 
stipulated  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 

I  have  the  Honr.  to  be  with  great  respect  and  esteem  your  Honrs. 
very  humble  &  most  Obed1  Serv*. 

Abiel  Foster. 
Honble  M.  Weare  Esquire.1 


JOSHUA  BARNEY. 


Captain  Joshua  Barney  to  Robert  Lewis. 

Baltimore  Aug*.  9th  1789 
Dear  Lewis, 

last  night  the  appointments  arrived,  and  you  can  easily  guess 
my  situation  on  finding  R.  P.  preferr'd  to  me,  a  man  who  never  rendered 
services  to  his  Country,  nor  a  branch  of  his  family,  whilst  I  served  it  faith 
fully  for  nine  years,  and  suffered  every  thing  man  could  suffer,  nor  have 
I  ever  yet  had  a  settlement  from  the  public,  they  now  Owe  me  more  than 
I  ever  rec'd  which  I  paid  out  of  my  pocket  —  but  why  need  I  now  com 
plain,  it  is  over,  and  I  must  make  the  best  of  it,  if  recommendations  had 
been  necessary,  there  is  not  a  Merchant  in  this  town  but  would  have  given 
it,  but  I  built  too  much  on  my  own  merit  —  I  find  there  is  no  likelyhood 
of  an  arrangement  in  the  Navy  taking  place,  and  if  it  did,  I  could  not 
receive  any  appointment  that  would  support  my  large  family  -  -  then 
what  it  to  be  done.  Alas!  I  must  leave  this  Country,  and  try  a  more 
Hospitable  clime,  this  my  dear  Lewis  is  a  cruel  thought,  for  I  must 
leave  behind  me,  all  my  family  —  and  at  the  same  time  quit  a  Country 
that  I  so  often  have  risked  my  life  for;  and  is  the  place  of  my  Nativity, 
but  my  family  calls  for  my  Assistance,  and  something  must  be  done  — 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.4o]. 
166 


write  my  dear  friend,  and  give  me  your  advice  on  this  serious  business, 
for  alas,  I  do  not  know  how  to  turn  myself,  and  if  I  go,  it  must  be  to  join 
some  power  at  War,  and  god  knows  I  have  had  enough  of  that  already  — 
for  the  Satisfaction  I  have  received  —  but  I  do  not  complain,  of  that  dear, 
good  man  our  president,  he  has  done  it  for  the  best  —  it  is  only  my 
misfortune  —  but  if  I  once  go,  I  never  will  see  this  Country  again,  that 
shall  be  my  Country,  that  gives  most  for  my  Services —  O  Lewis,  if  I 
was  single,  and  had  not  a  young  family  round  me,  I  could  smile  on  all 
the  tricks  that  fortune  could  play  me  —  but  it  is  far  otherwise.  I  have 
three  Boys  and  a  Girl  —  the  Boys  I  hope  will  be  an  acquisition  to  any 
Country,  but  they  shall  share  their  fortune  with  their  father  —  present 
my  dear  Lewis,  my  best  respects  to  that  most  amiable  of  Women,  Mrs. 
Washington]  to  Col.  Humphreys  —  Mr  Lear  &  our  little  travellers, 
Washington  &  Nelly  —  and  pray  indulge  me  by  return  of  post  with  a 
line,  tell  me  how  things  go  on,  and  your  advice  on  the  subject  already 
mentioned,  heaven's  bless  you,  my  friend  and  keep  you  from  feeling 
these  sensations  that  now  dwell  in  the  breast  of  him  that  wishes  ever  to 
be  ranked  among  your  friends  — 

Joshua  Barney 

can  you  Obtain,  and  send  me  the  Bill  of  the  Judiciary  as  sent  by 
the  Senate  to  the  other  House  —  Mr  J.  Henry  will  frank  it  for  me.1 
Robert  Lewis  Esqr. 

at  the  President's  of  the  U.  S. 
New  York. 


HENRY  BATES. 

Henry  Bates  to  Ephraim  Fresco tt  &  Co. 

Burmudas  Aug4  20  1795. 
D'  Sir. 

This  is  to  inform  you  I  saild  from  marigalantee  the  27th  of  July 
&  on  the  7th  of  August  being  in  Latt  32-07  &  Long  60-10  was  capturd 
by  a  Bermidian  Privateer  Sloop  mounting  3  Carage  Guns,  Josiah  Basden 
master,  &  brought  into  this  port,  &  Schooner  &  Cargo  is  Libeld  &  to  be 
tried  in  their  Court  of  Admirality  &  will  be  condemd  without  the  least 
doubt  as  they  consider  the  Windward  French  Islands  to  be  in  a  State  of 
Blockade.  Which  is  not  the  case,  as  the  British  Forces  is  withdrawn 
from  them  Islands  2  weeks  before  I  arived  there.  By  the  advice  of  all 
the  Americans  at  this  place  &  the  American  Attorney  I  think  I  shall 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.F.2.4o]. 

167 


claim  the  Property  &  stand  tryal  in  order  to  have  the  Priviledge  of  apeai- 
ing  to  the  Court  of  Britain  hereafter,  if  you  should  think  proper.  I  have 
consulted  all  the  principal  men  at  this  place  that  is  Friends  to  the  Ameri 
cans  &  they  are  of  opinion  that  the  French  Islands  will  not  be  considerd 
as  Blockaded  in  the  Court  of  Britain  when  there  is  no  forces  there  at 
Sea  nor  on  shore.  I  think  it  will  be  40  Days  from  this  date  before  I  shall 
be  able  to  leave  this  Cursed  place,  as  I  judge  from  the  detention  of  other 
vessels,  &  the  Expence  of  the  Business  will  be  5  or  600  Dollars.  Which 
money  I  can  be  supplied  with  by  Cap1  Barr  of  Salem  &  shall  draw  a  Bill 
on  my  owners  for  the  same.  I  am  in  Hopes  to  Bye  the  Schooner  for 
you  again  for  4  or  500  Dollars.  I  shall  keep  my  mate  &  one  man  untill 
the  vessel  is  condemd  &  then  to  git  one  more  man  at  this  place,  which 
will  be  suffitient  to  bring  the  Schooner  home.  There  is  15  Sail  of 
Americans  at  this  port,  But  not  one  in  the  same  Situation  as  myself,  for 
the  most  of  them  have  Letters  from  their  owners  How  to  proceed  in 
thier  Business.  But  it  will  be  impossable  for  me  to  git  any  directions 
from  any  of  you  before  my  tryal  comes  on.  In  which  case  it  Renders 
my  Situation  very  disagreeable  for  Fear  I  should  Act  in  any  Point  that 
would  not  terminate  for  the  Benefit  of  my  owners.  I  shall  however  do 
everything  that  is  in  my  Power.  At  the  same  time  I  suppose  all  I  can 
say  or  do  will  not  avail  nothing,  for  this  is  a  place  where  justice  is  not  to 
be  found.  I  shall  have  opportunities  to  write  often  &  hope  I  shall  hear 
from  you.  My  Vessel  is  carried  15  miles  in  to  the  Country  &  I  am 
obligd  to  take  Lodgings  in  Town  where  my  Expences  is  Extravagant. 
I  should  not  have  Room  to  tell  you  how  many  Insults  we  americans  are 
obliged  to  submitt  to  at  this  place  —  from  your  humle  Serv*. 

signd  Henry  Bates 
The  foregoing  is  a  true  Copy, 
attest  Ephm  Prescott 

Benj.  Wheeler. 


ANDREW  JACKSON. 


From  Andrew  Jackson  to . 

Philadelphia  February  24th.  1797 
Sir 

Your  letter  of  the  29th  ultimo,  Came  Safe  to  hand  this  morning,  and 
is  now  before  me  — 

I  am  Sorry  to  learn  from  your  letter,  the  depredations  that  has  been 
Committed,  on  the  Indians,  by  our  Citizens  but  am  happy  to  learn,  your 
Good  intentions,  of  having  them  brought  to  Trial,  for  the  offence  Com- 

168 


mitted, — an  offence  that  may  involve  in  it  the  lives  of  many  of  our  Inno 
cent,  Citizens  —  and  perhaps  women  and  Children  —  In  you  alone  is  Con 
stitutionally  invested  the  authority  and  power  of  protecting,  the  State  in 
Case  of  Invasion,  and  to  bring  to  Condign  punishment,  (through  the 
medium  of  the  Courts  of  Justice)  any  person  that  may  Commit  acts,  that 
may  tend  to  Endanger  the  safety  and  peace  of  your  Goverment  —  these 
are  powers,  that  Consistant,  with  the  Sovereignity  retaind  by  the  States, 
properly  belong  to  Each  Individual  State,  which  never  ought  on  any 
account  to  be  Surrendered  to  the  General  Goverment,  or  its  officers  and 
when,  an  attempt  is  made  to  arest  that  perogative  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Executive  of  the  State  It  ought  to  be  opposed  —  the  Executive  of  the 
union  has  ever  since  the  Commencement  of  the  present  Goverment,  been 
Grasping  after  power,  and  in  many  instances,  Excercised  powers,  that 
he  was  not  Constitutionally  invested  with,  —  the  Moment,  the  Sovereign 
ity  of  the  Individual  States,  is  overwhelmed  by  the  General  Goverment, 
we  may  bid  adieu  to  our  freedom,  let  that  be  brought  about,  Either  by  a 
Legislative  act  of  the  General  Goverment,  or  by  the  Executive  of  the 
union  Excerciseing,  those  powers  and  the  State  quietly,  suffering  it  — 

The  appointment  of  Healy  (who  is  an  officer  unknown  to  any  law 
that  I  can  find)  and  investing  him  with  that  power,  of  Supperintending 
the  Indian  affairs,  and  Carrying  on  a  trade  with  the  Indians  in  the  name 
of  the  united  States,  and  Excluding  from  that  Trade  the  Individuals  of 
our  State,  without  being  Clog[ged]  with  Certain  regulations  —  are  of 
this  kind  and  ought  to  be  Deprecated,  —  I  should  have  attempted  to  have 
brought  about  a  i  epeal  of  that  law  this  Session  had  your  letter  reached  me 
at  an  Earlier  period  of  the  Session  —  but  now  it  is  too  late. 

The  Chickasaws  appeared  verry  much  displeased  before  the[y]  left, 
this  place,  and  in  my  oppinion  not  without  good  Cause,  They  beheld  those 
that  had  always  been  inimical  to  the  united  States,  better  Treated  or  in 
other  words,  more  attention  paid  to  them  than  was  to  their  chiefs  and  with 
propriety  might  piomengo,  make  use  of  the  Expressions,  mentioned  in 
your  Letter,  when  the  Goverment,  would  suffer  Watts  under  their  noses 
to  destroy  and  burn  the  beds  furnished  him  and  his  men  to  lie  on,  whilst 
here  (because  he  could  not  have  the  Liberty  to  carry  them  away)  and  pass 
over  Such  an  act  in  Silence,  and  try  to  keep  it  a  profound  Secrete  from 
the  world,  Such  policy  is  calculated  to  Encourage  those  Indians,  to  hostile 
acts  — 

I  intend  to  wait  upon  the  Secratary  at  war  and  Converse  with  him  on 
the  Substance  of  your  letter  —  the  post  leaving  this  place  at  2  oclock 
p.  m.  which  prevents  me  from  knowing  his  Sentiments,  and  transmitting 
them  to  you  by  this  mail  —  Indeed  Sir  I  have  to  write  this  letter  in  the 
house,  and  Cannot,  answer  your  letter  so  fully  as  I  could  wish,  having  to 
Depposit,  it,  in  the  post  office  at  12  oclock  — 

I  now  have  the  pleasure,  to  Communicate  to  you  that,  the  Claim  of 
Hugh  L  White  has  been  acted  upon  and  descided  in  favour  of  the  Claim 
ant,  which  has  Established,  the  principle  for  the  payment,  of  your  Bri 
gade  —  It  was  referred  to  the  Committee  of  ways  and  means  to  insert  in 

169 


the  appropriation  bill  for  the  military  Established  for  the  year  1797,  which 
bill  is  reported  to  the  house  and  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  item  will  be 
agreed  to  — 

The  next  object,  after  having  secured  the  payment  due  your  Com 
mand  in  1793,  was  Our  Command  —  and  to  bring  it  before  the  house,  I 
applied  at  the  office  of  the  Secretary  at  war,  for  such  papers  as  would  be 
necessary,  to  acompany  a  memorial  on  that  Subject  —  But  Sir  notwith 
standing,  the  services  were  performed  in  the  year  1794,  and  the  order 
Issued  by  Gen1  Robertson  authorising  and  Commanding  the  Expedi 
tion  forwarded  to  the  Secrataries  office,  and  laid  before  this  house  on 
the  1 8th.  of  December  1794,  the  Secretary  at  War  tells  me  he  knows  noth 
ing  of  the  Services,  and  that  there  has  been  no  papers  relative  to  those 
Services,  forwarded  to  his  office,  from  which  we  may  learn  how  far  Col. 
Hanley  has  acted  Consistent  with  the  duty  of  his  office,  and  I  must  Con 
fess  had  I  papers  to  authorise  an  Enquiry,  I  would  introduce  it  before 
this  house,  into  the  Conduct  of  Col  Hanley  but  I  am  neither  in  possession 
of  papers  to  authorise,  such  an  Enquiry,  or  to  bring  the  Claim  before  this 
house,  I  am  Sir  yr  mo,  ob,  serv, 

Andrew  Jackson  * 


MRS.  ANDREW  JACKSON. 


Mrs.  Andrew  Jackson  to  Andrew  Jackson. 

Aprile  the  5th  1813  — 
My  Dear  Husband 

I  received  your  affectionate  Letter  By  Major  Hines  and 
Mr.  Blackman  1  was  very  Glad  indeed  to  See  them  it  was  the  greatest 
marke  of  your  attention  and  regard  to  me  I  was  happy  to  Here  you  wer 
in  good  health  that  I  Should  Shortely  Bee  blest  with  my  Dearer  Self  once 
more  meete  you  In  this  Life  never  an  other  painfull  Seperation  — 

But  I  Saw  a  Letter  you  wrote  Genl  overton  Wherein  you  Expresst  a 
wish  to  go  to  the  Northw  Oh  how  hard  it  appeard  and  one  to  Colo  WTarde 
of  the  same  tennure  how  Can  you  wish  Such  a  perilous  tower  but  the  Love 
of  Country  the  thirst  for  Honour  and  patriotism  is  your  motive  —  After  a 
feeble  acknowledgment  of  the  maney  polite  and  friendly  atentions  I  have 
received  through  your  goodness  by  your  Friends  I  shall  Never  forgit  — 

I  have  a  melencholy  peice  of  news  to  relaite  how  Shall  I  Express  rny 
Simpathy  for  our  Dear  friend  Johney  his  Policy  is  no  more  She  Departed 
This  life  Last  wednesdaye  Evening  the  31  of  March  Poor  fellow  was 
here  on  mundaye  previous  to  her  Death  he  was  on  his  waye  to  Doctor 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.i3.] 
170 


Newnon  I  Do  not  think  he  thought  her  Daingerous  when  he  was  here 
o  blooming  youth  thou  arte  not  Exempt  from  the  tyrent  king  of  terrors 
well  may  Thou  be  Calld  by  that  Name  I  regret  I  did  not  See  her  before 
her  Exit  Poor  Dear  J  when  he  bid  me  Farewell  I  saw  he  was  much 
affected  asked  me  Come  up  I  promised  him  I  would  but  it  has  raind 
almost  Ever  Since  Creeks  and  river  high  No  one  to  go  with  me  I  herd  it 
Last  Night  I  Could  Sleepe  o  what  I  feel  for  our  unfortunate  Friend  I 
wish  to  see  him,  shall  I  see  you  in  twenty  Days  o  God  send  Showers  on 
Scorching  withering  grass  will  not  be  more  reviveing  Gladly  will  I  meete 
you  when  Ever  you  bid  me  our  farm  Looks  well  I  Could  write  you  all 
Day  Long  but  such  a  Pen  I  feare  you  never  Can  read  it  pray  my  Dear 
write  me  on  the  way  home  —  and  may  The  Lord  bless  you  health  safely 
restore  you  to  my  armes  in  mutuel  Love  is  the  prayers  of  your  affection 
ate  wife 

Rawchel  Jackson 
Mr.  Andrew  Jackson  1 


ROBERT  MORRIS. 


Robert  Morris  to  John  Nicholson. 

Monday  Morning  22d  April  1799. 
Jn°  Nicholson  Esqr 
Dear  Sir 

Your  two  letters  of  the  2Oth  are  before  me  and  it  was  my  in 
tention  to  have  replied  yester  morning  but  I  passed  the  whole  forenoon 
very  disagreably  on  subjects  of  distress  first  with  Mr  Chalmers  & 
then  with  Mr  Fitzsimons  (C.  Young  did  not  come)  and  the  afternoon 
was  devoted  to  my  family.  I  saw  with  regret  what  you  write  of  your 
situation  in  regard  to  bail  and  shall  as  you  desire  keep  my  knowledge 
in  that  respect  to  myself,  most  ardently  wishing  in  the  mean  time  that 
your  exertions  may  enable  you  to  extricate  yourself  from  that  dis- 
agreable  predicament,  I  perceive  you  need  not  depend  upon  any 
assistance  from  P.  Key.  I  never  saw  that  Gentn  or  knew  aught  of 
him  untill  he  introduced  himself  into  my  affairs.  The  plan  of 
liberation  which  I  am  pursueing  is  much  against  the  grain,  but  my 
family  are  so  unhappy  at  my  confinement  that  they  give  themselves 
nor  me  any  peace,  and  I  confess  I  do  not  like  the  idea  of  dicing  here 
(poor  Duer  is  dead  in  N  York  and  thereby  another  unfortunate  is 
released)  and  as  to  saving  property  from  being  sacrificed  I  see 
plainly  that  it  is  impossible,  one  thing  goes  after  another  and  so  will 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.i4]. 


continue  untill  the  whole  shall  vanish  and  none  know  what  is  become 
of  it.  I  am  but  too  sensible  how  disagreable  it  will  be  to  be  questioned 
by  the  Court  &  Bar,  but  as  to  criminal  prosecution  I  think  my  conduct 
in  giving  up  will  be  such  as  to  render  that  impossible,  but  the  most 
material  consideration,  as  I  shall  give  up  everything,  is  how  shall  I 
afterwards  subsist  my  family. 

Adieu 

Rob*  Morris.1 


JOHN  LANGDON. 

John  Langdon  to  Joseph  Whipple. 

Philad.  March  9th.  1800. 
Dear  Sr. 

Your  favor  of  the  24th  (tilt.)  which  Inclosed  a  letter  to  C  Evans 
I  have  received.  I  shall  see  that  Gentleman,  and  with  pleasure  Comply 
with  your  wishes. —  I  am  happy  to  hear  that  the  true  Federalists;  or 
rather  honest,  Republicans  begin  to  discover  the  fatal  mistake  they  have 
so  long  laboured  under,  this  opinion  greatly  prevails  thro'  the  several 
states,  from  which  one  may  expect,  great  and  essential  benefits :  the 
present  time  is  truely  alarming ;  and  calls  for  the  exertions  of  every  honest 
man,  to  turn  out,  boldly,  in  defence  and  for  the  preservation  of  the  True 
Principals  of  our  Constitution,  this  may  be  secured  by  placing  in  all 
offices,  both  in  the  general  and  State  Governments,  Honest,  Republican 
Characters;  without  this  measure  is  carried  into  effect,  we  may  go  on 
Complaining  to  the  end  of  the  Chapter,  and  have  no  redress,  but  if  the 
friends  to  liberty  would  make  some  exertion  I  have  no  doubt  they  would 
in  a  short  time  be  successful,  when  we  should  enjoy  the  Blessings  of  our 
free  govenment;  without  this  we  cannot  expect  it.  I  have  no  doubt 
that  a  most  vile  Vilanous,  secret  Correspondence  took  place,  before  your 
dismissal  from  office.  I  wish  the  fact  could  be  come  at  and  exposed, 
however  all  in  good  time,  patience,  perseverance  a  little  exertion,  and  a 
little  money  spent,  in  printing  and  giving  the  people  information  will! 
undoubtedly  put  things  right.  My  kind  Respects  to  the  Ladies  of  your 
House  and  Believe  me  Sincerely  —  your  mo  ob*.  St. 

John  Langdon 
Joseph  Whipple  Esq.2 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.  £.9.23], 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.E.n.47]. 


172 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON, 
NUMBER  FIVE. 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES. 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  FOUR. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS. 


HISTORICAL  MANUSCRIPTS 
IN  THE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  BOSTON. 
NUMBER  FIVE. 


BOSTON:  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  TRUSTEES 
A.  D.:  NINETEEN  HUNDRED  AND  FOUR- 


The  Public  Library  of  the  City  of  Boston :  Printing  Department,  February,  1904. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


DAVID  HOWELL. 

To  John  Brown,  Jan.  26,  1801  177 

JAMES  BOWDOIN. 

To  Jesse  Putnam,  June  30, 1802  179 

FISHER  AMES. 

To  Isaac  P.  Davis,  Dec.  21,  1802  180 

JOHN  MARSHALL. 

Petition  to  High  Court  of  Chancery,  Richmond,  Va.,  Jan.  28, 

1803  182 

STEPHEN  Row  BRADLEY. 

To  Judge  Royall  Tyler,  Jan.  27,  1810  184 

JACOB  BROWN,  BRIGADIER-GENERAL. 

To  Gov.  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  on  Battle  of  Sackett's  Harbor, 

June  i,  1813  186 

AARON  BURR. 

To  Governor  Joseph  Alston,  Nov.  15,  1815  191 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

To  William  Plumer,  July  6,  1818  193 

SAMUEL  DELUCENNA  INGHAM. 

To  David  Henshaw,  Sept.  2,  1821  195 

To  Same,  Aug.  17,  1830  195 

To  Same,  Aug.  20,  1830  197 

JAMES  MONROE. 

To ,  Sept.  24,  1821  198 

ELIHU  CHAUNCEY. 

To  Asbury  Dickens,  Sept.  7,  1824  200 

LEVI  WOODBURY. 

To  William  Plumer,  April  23,  1826  201 

IX 


PAGE 

BENJAMIN  WATERHOUSE. 

To  John  Bailey,  Dec.  13,  1826  202 

RICHARD  MENTOR  JOHNSON. 

To  Captain  P.  P.  Pitchlynn,  Jan.  6,  1826  203 

WILLIAM  HARRIS  CRAWFORD. 

To  David  B.  Mitchell,  July  9,  1827  204 

GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS. 

To  R.  W.  Meade,  Sept.  29, 1827  205 

To  David  Henshaw,  Aug.  28,  1828  206 

HENRY  CLAY. 

To  Col.  Davidson,  Dec.  24, 1827  207 

To  William  Plumer,  Jr.,  Feb.  23,  1829  208 

JOHN  CHANDLER. 

To  David  Henshaw,  Dec.  27, 1828  209 

ANDREW  STEVENSON. 

To  David  Henshaw,  Oct.  24,  1828  210 

To  George  Ticknor,  Nov.  18,  1840  210 

AMOS  KENDALL. 

To  David  Henshaw,  Dec.  18,  1829  212 

Card  from  Amos  Kendall,  Oct.  22,  1856  213 

JOHN  MILTON  NILES. 

To  David  Henshaw,  Feb.  22,  1830  2*4 

DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

To  William  Plumer,  Jr.,  April  24,  1830  215 

To  Theophilus  Parsons,  Jan.  2,  1840  216 

WILLIAM  BAINBRIDGE. 

To  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  March  13,  1831  217 

SILAS  WRIGHT. 

To  Edwin  Croswell,  Dec.  16,  1833  2l8 

To  William  L.  Marcy,  Jan.  6,  1838  219 

To  A.  P.  Upshur,  March  5,  1842  219 

THOMAS  CORWIN. 

To  John  McLean,  June  19,  1834  221 

To ,  Jan.  20, 1840  222 


PAGE 

THOMAS  EWING. 

To  Peter  Hitchcock,  Dec.  28,  1834  223 

JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

To  Asbury  Dickens,  Oct.  3,  1836  224 

WILLIAM  LEARNED  MARCY. 

To  General  John  Jackson,  Jan.  3,  1838  224 

CALEB  GUSHING. 

To  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  April  i,  1840  225 

ABEL  PARKER  UPSHUR. 

To  President  Tyler  on  case  of  Midshipman  Cooper,  Dec.  3, 

1841  227 

Endorsement  of  President  Tyler,  Dec.  6,  1841  227 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

To  William  C.  Bouck,  Jan.  8,  1844  228 

JAMES  KNOX  POLK. 

To  William  C.  Beach,  June  21,  1844  229 

RICHARD  RUSH. 

To  Asbury  Dickens,  April  16,  1846  230 

To  Same,  April  25,  1846  232 

ZACHARY  TAYLOR. 

To  Col.  Jefferson  Davis,  Aug.  3,  1846  233 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 

To  James  R.  Rix,  Dec.  21,  1846  234 

JOHN  TYLER. 

To  Brantz  Mayer,  Aug.  I,  1847  235 

REVERDY  JOHNSON. 

To  Theophilus  Parsons,  May  24,  1848  237 

JOHN  VAN  BUREN. 

To  James ,  Sept.  17,  1864  238 


XI 


DAVID  HOWELL. 

Judge  David  Howell  to  Hon.  John  Brown,  of  Providence,  R.  I. 

Providence  26  January  1801 
Dear  Sir : 

You  will  know  that  I  discharged  the  duty  I  owed  to  myself 
and  my  Country  by  writing  as  well  as  speaking  and  voting  for  Mr. 
Adams.  He  has  failed.  It  now  remains  that  I  discharge  a  Duty  of 
Friendship  which  I  owe  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  You  have  heard  me  speak  of 
him.  We  were  in  the  old  Congress  together.  He  has  since  honourd  me 
with  Marks  of  personal  Friendship. 

I  have  learned  by  Experience  how  incompetent  my  Judgment  is  to 
decide  great  and  intricate  Questions.  Yet  I  cannot  think  that  I  shall 
have  fulfilled  my  Duty  as  a  Citizen  on  this  momentous  Occasion  without 
suggesting  a  few  Thoughts  to  your  better  Judgment. 

The  People  of  this  State  are  not  acquainted  with  Mr  Burr,  nor  is  it 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  antifederal  Ticket  here,  had  it  prevailed, 
would  have  included  his  Name.  That  Party  voted  for  Jefferson.  So 
that  you  seem  to  have  the  Sense  of  nearly  half  the  Voters  in  this  State 
on  that  Occasion  for  Mr  Jefferson  and  none  for  Mr.  Burr.  If  after  this 
you  prefer  Mr  Burr,  will  not  [you]  be  taking  on  yourself  personally  a 
great  Weight  of  Responsibility 

Mr  Jefferson  now  fills  the  Vice  Presidents  Chair  and  seems  to  have 
a  preferable  Claim  to  be  promoted  on  the  Principle  of  Seniority,  which 
all  well  regulated  States  greatly  respect,  and  which  is  a  good  and  safe 
Principle  for  the  Peace  and  Order  of  the  United  States  — 

Mr.  Jefferson's  Character  is  that  of  a  Philosopher  —  a  moderate, 
calm  and  prudent  Man.  Mr.  Burr's  Character  as  given  by  his  Friends 
is  that  of  Ambition  Enterprize  and  Activity.  It  is  for  you  to  judge 
which  is  most  likely  to  become  dangerous  to  the  Publick  Repose  as  a 
leader  of  a  Party. 

Mr.  Jeffersons  Residence  and  Connexions  are  so  far  South  that  We 
are  to  presume  that  he  will  distribute  the  share  of  publick  Appointments, 
&c,  among  the  Northern  States  without  Partiality  for  any  one  in  par 
ticular;  If  Mr  Burr  succeeds,  will  the  Northern  share  of  Loves  and 
Fishes  reach  farther  than  in  and  about  New  York.  Has  Rhode  Island 
more  to  hope  for  from  Mr  Burr  than  from  Mr  Jefferson  who  must  view 
all  the  Eastern  states  with  an  impartial  Eye.  Perhaps  it  would  not  be 

177 


going  too  far  to  say  that  a  dry  Dock  &c  would  be  more  likely  to  be 
established  in  our  state  under  Jefferson  or  Pinckney,  Southern  Men,  than 
even  under  Mr  Adams  himself.  For  even  he  must  be  supposed  to  have 
local  Attachments  to  Massachusetts,  as  Mr  Burr  undoubtedly  has  for  the 
state  of  New  York.  I  speak  now  on  the  Ground  of  Principles  which 
generally  actuate  all  Men. 

The  weight  of  Jeffersons  personal  Character  has  raised  Burr  to 
public  Notice.  The  latter  acknowledges  this  to  be  Fact  in  his  Letter  to 
General  Smith  which  has  been  published  He  there  confesses  that  the 
voters  for  the  Antifederal  Ticket  intended  Jefferson  for  President,  and 
that  in  putting  himself  in  Competition  with  him  for  that  Place  he  should 
counteract  the  declared  and  known  Views  of  the  Electors  which  would 
be  "an  Insult  to  his  Feelings"  If  Mr  Burr  has  attached  himself  to  that 
Party  from  Principle,  what  hope  can  you  have  of  winning  him  over  by 
such  a  Preference.  //  not  from  Principle,  what  Confidence  can  you  put 
in  him  when  gain'd  to  the  Federal  Side. 

The  Members  of  Congress  may  Elect  either  of  the  Two;  but  are 
they  not  merely  Organs  of  the  Publick  Will  which  has  already  decided 
in  a  very  intelligible  Language  in  Jeffersons  Favour?  Should  Burr  be 
imposed  on  the  Antifederal  Party  as  a  President  of  their  Choice  might 
they  not  complain  and  say  that  they  have  been  defrauded  of  their 
Favourite  by  Management,  and  if  their  Suspicions  of  improper  Manage 
ment  should  rise  high;  if  these  suspicions  should  prove  like  Fuel  added 
to  their  proper  Fire  of  Discontent,  if  that  Fire  should  blaze  out  and  rage, 
if  convulsions  take  place,  who  can  tell  where  the  Evil  may  terminate? 
I  May  here  notice  that  Men  of  large  Property,  men  interested  in  the 
public  Funds  have  more  at  Stake,  and  should  most  cautiously  avoid 
making  an  Experiment  on  the  Feelings  of  a  Disinterested  Party.  If  Jef 
ferson  is  elected,  I  am  confident  he  is  too  just  a  Man  to  favour  Measures 
which  may  impair  public  Credit.  His  Circumstances  in  Life  being  easy 
and  independent,  he  has  too  much  to  put  at  Risque  in  a  general  Scramble 
among  Levellers.  What  Course  Mr  Burr  would  take  I  know  not.  His 
Character  is  not  known  to  Me  personally.  I  am  to  presume  that  Mr 
Jefferson  deems  him  a  Man  of  Honor.  Should  the  Antifederalists  be 
gratified  in  the  Election  of  their  Favourite  Man,  it  is  to  be  presumed  that 
their  Passions  would  assuage.  When  calm  they  would  relax  divide  and 
dwindle  But  if  irritated  by  such  a  vast  disappointment  their  tempers 
would  grow  sharp  and  more  bitter,  their  Exertions  more  indefatigable 
and  when  they  shall  have  filled  both  Houses  with  Men  of  their  own 
Views,  Would  Mr  Burr  be  able  if  inclined  to  thwart  them  ? 

I  have  great  Hopes  that  the  justice  and  Moderation  of  Mr  Jefferson 
would  prove  the  surest  means  of  checking  and  deranging  the  very  Party 
which  has  supported  him.  For  myself  I  revere  the  Hand  which  wrote 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I  revere  the  Man  who,  after  Twenty 
Six  Years  Trial  in  offices  of  the  greatest  Trust,  has  evinced  an  Integrity 
incorruptible  and  a  Sagacity  and  Understanding  equal  to  every  Exigence. 
If  Mr  Burr  is  his  Superior,  it  remains  for  him  to  give  Proof  of  it.  He  has 


178 


yet  to  convince  his  nearest  Friends,  the  People  of  his  own  State,  of  that 
Superiority. 

I  presume  that  you  will  do  me  the  honor  to  consider  with  Calmness 
these  Observations.  They  come  not  from  a  Party  Man.  Tis  true  they 
come  from  a  Friend  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  I  may  also  add  they  come  from 
a  Friend  of  yours  —  On  no  Occasion  have  I  ever  given  Grounds  to  my 
Friends  to  say  that  I  have  not  been  true  to  the  trust  reposed  in  Me ;  and 
I  have  written  this  Letter  for  your  Consideration  with  no  less  View  for 
your  personal  Advantage  than  for  that  of  Mr.  Jefferson  —  My  Friend ! 
in  Affairs  of  a  public  Nature  Passion  and  Prejudice  are  apt  to  rise  and 
blind  our  Eyes  which  should  be  always  open  and  watchful  for  the  real 
Interest,  Welfare,  Peace  and  tranquillity  of  our  common  Country  so 
dear  to  us  all 

I  have  only  to  request  your  Pardon  for  my  long  Letter  and  to  assure 
you  that  I  remain  and  always 

Your  Sincere  Friend  &  humble  Serv* 

David  Howell 
Hon  John  Brown. 


LIBRARY  OF  JAMES  BOWDOIN. 


Letter  from  James  Bowdoin  to  Jesse  Putnam. 

Boston  June  1802.  3Oth./ 
Jesse  Putnam  Esqr. 
Sir, 

I  herewith  enclose  you  ye  second  of  a  sett  of  exchange  drawn  in  my 
favour  by  Nath1.  Fellowes  Esqr.  on  mess :  Stroebel  &  Martini  merchants 
of  Bourdeaux;  which  I  am  to  request  ye.  favour  of  you  to  invest  in  the 
following  manner,  viz:  in  a  handsome  fashionable  black  lace  cloak  for 
Mrs.  Bowdoin,  not  of  the  english  patent  net  fabrick,  but  of  real  Lace,  & 
the  price  not  to  exceed  twelve  Louis  d'ors :  The  residue  I  wish  to  be  laid 
out  in  Books;  any  new  publications,  which  may  from  their  reputation, 
excite  Curiosity;  &  after  that,  in  ye  best,  &  latest  french  translations  of 
ye  latin  &  greek  Classicks :  I  suppose,  Books  of  this  latter  sort  will  be 
found  cheap  in  f ranee  compared  with  like  Books  in  engld. :  I  am  about 
arranging  my  Library,  so  as  to  include  ye  best  french  authors;  I  have 
already  got  ye.  works  of  Rousseau,  Voltaire,  Helvetius,  Mably,  Abbe 
Raynal,  Montesquieu,  Condilliac,  De  la  fontaine,  Regnard,  Moliere, 
Corneille,  &  several  hundred  other  volumes;  but  as  I  wish  to  extend  it 
further,  I  shd.  be  glad  to  know  ye.  value  of  ye.  following  works:  of  ye. 

179 


' 


latest  &  best  edit8,  of  ye  Encyclopaedia,  both  fol°.  qto.,  &  of  ye  dictionaire 
des  arts  &  des  metiers  or  of  any  other  principal  f rench  works :  or  if  ye. 
french  Booksellers  keep  Catalogues  of  their  Books  with  ye.  prices  an 
nexed,  as  ye.  Booksellers  in  Lond°.  formerly  did,  I  wish  you  wd.  be  kind 
enough  to  send  me  several  of  them.  I  am  told  before  ye.  last  war,  that 
english  Books  were  printed  in  Switzerland  &  sold  very  low,  much  under 
ye.  Lond°.  price;  &  to  such  an  extant  was  this  Business  carried  on,  that 
all  ye.  best  english  literary  works  could  be  readily  procured  there. 
Please  to  advise  me  on  this  subject,  &  to  acquaint  me  whether  you  shall 
be  able  &  willing  to  procure  me  such  Books  as  I  may  from  time  to  time 
want  from  france  &  from  Switzerland.  The  french  System  of  Com 
merce,  whatever  it  may  prove,  will  be  very  important  to  ye.  world  in 
general,  &  in  particular  to  ye.  U.  States.  And  I  shall  be  much  obliged 
to  you  for  your  opinion  upon  its  subject ;  &  to  send  me  any  new  publica 
tions,  wch.  may  from  time  to  time  be  offered  to  ye.  public  in  regard  to  it. 
I  have  a  valuable  work  published  in  1791,  entitled  De  la  Balance  du 
Commerce  &ca  par  M.  Arnould. 

Your  Brother  &  family  are  well:  he  is  just  returned  from  Naushan 
island ;  where  by  the  way  I  have  a  large  quantity  of  excellent  ship  timber. 
What  is  its  value  in  france?  &  wd.  it  be  worth  while  to  make  a  Shipment  ? 

Hoping  you  are  in  good  health, 

I  am  Sir,  Yr  most  obed  Servant 

James  Bowdoin.1 


FISHER  AMES. 

Fisher  Ames  to  Isaac  P.  Davis. 

Dedham,  Decr.  21.  1802. 
Dear  Sir 

I  stay  at  home,  instead  of  going  into  town  as  I  had  intended  this  day, 
as  the  rain  and  bad  walking  would  probably  imprison  me  at  Vose's,  if  I 
should  go.  My  design  was  to  see  and  consult  with  your  Committee  of 
Arrangements  in  regard  to  the  toasts.  This  has  previnted  my  preparing 
a  set. 

As  it  is  prudent  to  guard  against  accidents  which  may  hinder  my 
going  into  town  tomorrow,  I  hastily  put  down  a  few  —  and  would  hammer 
out  more,  but  the  mail  will  soon  pass 

Yr  friend  &c 

Mr  Isaac  P.  Davis  Fisher  Ames 

I.    A  strenuous  support  to  the  liberty  of  law  &  the  religion  of  truth. 
1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [ Cham. C. 10.66]. 

180 


2.  Such  an  Admn.  as  will  cherish  virtue  —  and  such  virtue  among  the 

people  as  ivould  sustain  and  will  restore  such  an  administration, 

3.  Federal  Justice,  though  now  an  exile,  may  it  revisit  our  land. 

4.  Such  a  cure  for  democracy  as  will  not   kill. 

5.  The  Company  of  the  good  at  the  feasts  of  the  great. 

6.  A  twofold  warning  from  France  —  once  a  f ireship,  now  a  beacon. 

7.  New  Engd.    here  may  republicanism  ever  be  at  home,  and  democracy 

ever  an  alien. 

8.  May  our  posterity  be  worthy  of  our  ancestors. 

The  principles  and  institutions  of  our  ancestors  —  our  strongest   (bul 
wark)  safeguard  —  our  children*  richest  inheritance 
Federal   principles  —  may  they   never   have  better   enemies   nor   worse 

friends. 

Such  a  navy  as  will  prolong  peace  or  protect  in  war,  or  thus    . 
Such  a  navy  as  will  make  peace  secure  and  war  glorious. 
Our  Sister  Virginia :  when  she  changes  the  three  fifths  of  her  Ethiopian 

skin  we  will  respect  her  as  the  head  of  our  white  family. 
Our  renowned  ancestors  —  may  those  who  scorn  their  examples  never 

inherit  their  acres. 
Liberty  on  fixed  principles. 

May  those  who  rose  to  power  by  asserting  everything  but  the  truth,  hear 
nothing  else  while  they  hold  it. 
As  liberty  rests  on  morals  and  religion  may  we  never  let  the  Jacobins  pluck 

out  that  underpinning. 
The  Clergy,     (may  they  never  be  denied  the  praise  of  well  doing  nor 

denied  by  any  but  the  Farmer  all  other  reward 
Gov.  Strong:  may  his  example  teach  SOME  other  Chief  Magistrates  how 

power  should  be  used. 

Our  Militia  may  they  keep  their  federalism  as  bright  as  their  arms. 
The  Federal  minority  in  Congress,  new  triumphs  to  their  eloquence. 
Such  liberty  as  will  make  Gov4.  stable,  and  such  a  Gov*.  as  will  make 

liberty  immortal. 
May  those  who  affected  (pretended)  to  dread  the  rule  of  an  army,  never 

succeed  in  their  scheme  to  rule  by  a  mob. 

The  day  —  like  the  path  of  the  just  may  it  continue  to  brighten. 
Some  of  the  foregoing  may  answer  best  as  Volunteers. 
I  could  wish  to  see  you  on  any  alterations  in  words  or  sentiment  be 
fore  you  finally  decide  on  making  them. 1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C. 10.42]. 


181 


JOHN  MARSHALL. 


To  the  Honble  the  Judge  of  the  high  court  of  Chancery  sitting  in 
Richmond  orator  John  Marshall  humbly  showeth 

That  some  time 

in  or  about  the  year  1790  your  orator  purchased  from  Charles  Minn 
Thurston  a  tract  of  land  lying  in  the  county  of  Buckingham,  which 
the  said  Charles  had  before  that  time  purchased  from  George  Webb 
senr.  &  George  Webb  junr.  The  said  Charles  Minn  Thurston  George 
Webb  senr.  &  George  Webb  junr.  United  in.  a  conveyance  of  the  said 
land  to  your  orator  &  the  said  Charles  either  jointly  with  the  other 
vendore  or  singly  warranted  the  title  thereto  against  all  persons  what 
ever;  all  which  will  more  fully  appear  by  the  deed  of  conveyance 
now  of  record  in  the  General  court  of  this  Commonwealth. 

Your  orator  further  shows  that  previous  to  the  sale  of  the  said 
land  the  said  Charles  Minn  Thurston  the  said  George  Webb  senior  had 
conveyed  a  part  thereof  to  John  Pendleton  either  singly  or  jointly  with 
some  other  person  to  secure  a  considerable  debt  due  from  the  said 
George  Webb  Senior  to  Caron  de  Beaumarchais,  with  a  power  to  the 
trustee  or  trustees  to  sell  the  same  in  such  manner  &  at  such  time  as 
is  in  the  said  deed  specified.  Of  this  incumbrance  your  orator  had 
notice  at  the  time  of  the  purchase,  but  he  felt  no  concern  at  the  cir 
cumstance  because  the  said  Charles  faithfully  promisd  to  pay  the  debt 
&  relieve  the  land  from  the  incumbrance  imposd  on  it,  &  because  the 
payments  from  himself  became  due  at  distant  times,  and  he  relied  on 
being  able  should  it  be  necessary  to  appropriate  a  part  of  the  purchase 
money  to  the  discharge  of  the  debt  due  the  said  Caron  de  Beau 
marchais. 

Your  orator  further  states  that  he  has  now  fully  paid  up  the 
last  shilling  of  the  money  contracted  to  be  paid  for  the  said  land.  The 
last  payment  was  made  in  the  year  1798.  Soon  after  this  payment  was 
made  he  was  applied  to  by  John  A  Chevallie  the  agent  of  Caron  de 
Beaumarchais  &  informd  that  a  balance  of  between  six  and  seven 
hundred  pounds  as  well  as  your  orator  recollects  still  remaind  due  of 
the  debt  securd  on  the  land  purchasd  as  aforesaid  by  your  orator. 
Application  on  this  subject  was  made  to  the  said  Charles  Minn 
Thurston  who  promisd  to  adjust  the  business  so  as  to  protect  your 
orators  property  from  the  debt.  This  application  was  frequently 
repeated  &  your  orator  continually  expected,  &  indued  Mr.  Chevallie 
to  expect  that  the  money  would  certainly  be  paid.  At  length  Caron 
de  Beaumarchais  having  departed  this  life  his  representatives  who  as 

182 


your  orator  is  informd  still  continued  the  said  John  A  Chevallie  as 
their  agent,  requird,  as  your  orator  believes,  that  all  their  business 
under  his  management  shoud  be  closd  as  speedily  as  possible.  The 
said  John  A  Chevallie  applied  to  your  orator,  representing  the  absolute 
necessity  of  bringing  this  transaction  to  a  termination  &  he  promisd 
to  see  the  said  Charles  Minn  Thurston  himself  &  know  certainly  what 
was  to  be  depended  on.  In  consequence  of  this  engagement  your 
Orator  paid  a  visit  to  the  said  Charles  Minn  Thurston  in  the  Summer 
of  1802  —  when  he  was  informd  by  the  said  Charles  that  he  contested 
the  claim  set  up  by  the  said  John  A  Chevallie  on  account  of  the  repre 
sentatives  of  Caron  de  Beaumarchais.  On  enquiry  it  appeard  that 
there  might  be  some  trivial  difference  between  them  in  their  accounts 
but  the  material  subject  of  controversy  respected  a  house  in  the  city 
of  Richmond  which  had  been  taken  on  account  of  the  said  Caron  de 
Beaumarchais  from  George  Webb  at  between  four  &  five  hundred 
pounds  &  had  been  credited  to  the  said  Webb  in  account  before  the 
sale  made  by  Webb  to  Thurston.  After  the  sale  made  by  Thurston 
to  your  orator,  this  house  was  recoverd  as  your  orator  is  informd, 
from  the  person  in  possession  in  a  suit  brought  in  the  county  court  of 
Henrico ;  after  which  the  credit  given  the  said  Webb  on  account  of  the 
said  house  was  disallowd  &  the  sum  at  which  it  had  been  taken 
rechargd. 

The  said  Thurston  alledges  that  on  the  faith  of  an  account  ren- 
derd  by  the  agent  of  the  said  Beaumarchais  exhibiting  the  balance 
actually  due,  he  made  the  purchase,  &  has  retaind  in  his  hands  only 
so  much  money  as  woud  satisfy  the  balance  stated  to  be  due,  &  has 
paid  without  suspicion  of  any  further  demand,  the  residue  of  the 
purchase  money  to  the  said  George  Webb  Senior  who  is  since  dead 
insolvent  &  who  was  actually  insolvent  before  he  had  any  notice  of 
the  defect  in  the  title  to  the  said  house,  or  any  cause  to  suspect  such 
defect.  Under  these  circumstances  he  alledges  that  no  claim  can  be 
made  on  him  or  on  the  land  sold  to  him  for  the  amount  of  the  said 
house,  since  shoud  he  be  compeld  to  pay  it.  it  will  be  a  clear  loss  to 
him  occasiond  by  his  confiding  implicity  to  the  amount  renderd  by 
the  agent  of  Beaumarchais.  He  however  promisd  your  orator  ex- 
plicity  to  be  in  Richmond  early  in  the  month  of  December  to  adjust 
this  difference  with  Mr  Chevallie.  Your  orator  stated  this  promise 
to  Mr.  Chevallie  who  agreed  to  take  no  further  step  till  December. 
The  time  has  elapsd  &  the  said  Thurston  has  not  complied  with  his 
promise  to  see  Mr.  Chevallie,  nor  has  your  orator  heard  from  him. 
The  said  John  A  Chevallie  presses  for  the  payment  of  the  money  he 
claims  &  your  orator  does  not  think  it  reasonable  that  further  delays 
shoud  be  practisd  in  bringing  the  controversy  to  a  close.  But  he 
humbly  states  that  shoud  the  land  be  sold  under  the  deed  of  trust  or 
shoud  he  pay  the  money  without  a  sale  &  it  shoud  afterwards  appear 
that  objections  made  by  the  said  Thurston  to  the  payment  of  the 
balance  now  claimd  are  well  founded  he  woud  lose  so  much  money 
&  woud  be  entirely  without  remedy  which  woud  be  contrary  to  equity. 

183 


Your  orator  is  therefore  extremely  desirous  that  the  controversy 
between  the  said  Charles  Minn  Thurston  &  the  representatives  of 
Caron  de  Beaumarchais  by  John  A  Chevallie  their  agent  shoud  be 
settled,  &  that  the  sum  actually  due  from  the  former  to  the  latter 
securd  by  the  deed  of  trust  before  mentiond  shoud  be  ascertaind 

To  the  end  therefore  that  the  said  John  Pendleton  the  trustee 
namd  in  the  said  deed,  the  representatives  of  Caron  de  Beaumarchais 
by  John  A  Chevallie  their  agent,  &  Charles  Minn  Thurston  may  be 
made  defendents  hereto  &  may  on  oath  true  answer  make  to  the 
premisses  &  that  the  said  Charles  Minn  Thurston  may  be  chargd  to 
account  with  the  said  John  A  Chavallie  &  to  pay  him  whatever  balance 
may  be  really  due  to  the  representatives  of  the  said  Caron  de  Beau 
marchais  &  chargeable  on  the  land  sold  to  your  orator  as  afore 
mentioned,  or  in  default  thereof  that  he  may  be  decreed  to  pay  the 
same  to  your  orator,  &  that  the  said  John  Pendleton  may  be  enjoind 
from  selling  the  said  land  under  the  said  deed  of  trust,  &  may  be 
decreed  to  convey  the  same  to  your  orator  on  the  sum  with  which  the 
same  shall  be  actually  chargeable  being  paid  &  that  your  orator  may 
have  such  relief  as  is  proper  May  it  please  your  Honor  &c. 

J  Marshall 

City  of  Richmond  to  wit 

John  Marshall  appeard  before  me  a  magistrate  for  the  city  aforesaid 
this  28th  day  of  Jany  1803  under  oath  in  due  form  of  law  to  the  fore 
going  bill 

Geo  Pickett 

The  injunction  is  awarded  on  giving  security  in  the  penaltie  of 
two  hundred  dollars  28  januar'  1803. 

G.  Wythe.1 


POLITICS  IN  VERMONT  IN   l8lO. 


Letter  of  Senator  Stephen  Roiv  Bradley  to  Judge  Royall  Tyler. 

Confidential 

Washington  Jany.  27th.  1810 
Hon.  Judge  Tyler 

Dear  Sir 

How  far  the  political  arrangement  in  relation  to  the 
State  of  Vermont  that  I  am  now  to  suggest  will  meet  your  approbation 
must  depend  on  your  feelings  and  judgment  should  it  strike  you  favour- 
1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.  £.9.55-56]. 

184 


ably  it  will  be  of  importance  as  you  pass  through  the  State  in  your  cir 
cuits  to  feel  the  public  pulse  carefully  and  with  much  address  you  will 
easily  suppose  that  I  am  tired  of  my  seat  in  the  Senate,  and  I  believe  my 
Colleague  is  sick  of  his,  it  is  now  above  thirty  years  since  I  first  had  the 
appointment  of  Delagate  to  Congress  —  independent  of  the  deprivations 
of  domestic  and  social  happiness  I  have  suffered  in  attending  on  Congress 
there  is  one  consideration  which  has  great  influence  to  wean  me  from  any 
further  desire  to  continue  therein  —  those  who  were  my  social  acquaint 
ance  and  most  intimate  friends  but  a  few  years  ago  in  the  Councils  of  the 
nation  are  now  all  dead  resigned  declined  or  gone  so  that  I  have  new 
acquaintances  and  Friends  to  make  every  Session,  and  at  my  age  of  life 
the  recollection  of  the  past  is  by  no  means  compensated  in  the  enjoyment 
of  the  present  I  have  conversed  with  Judge  Robinson  and  Mr  Shaw  and 
what  I  am  now  about  to  disclose,  to  wit,  that  I  shall  take  Govr  G.  place 
-  that  you  shall  take  the  place  I  now  hold  —  that  Judge  Robinson  shall 
take  the  place  you  hold,  and  that  D.  Chase  shall  be  placed  on  the  Supreme 
Court  vice  Judge  H.  who  may  probably  wish  to  retire  to  preach  the  gospel 
to  the  Baptists  I  flatter  myself  that  it  will  be  agreeable  to  you  to  serve  a 
few  years  in  the  Senate  and  should  the  vacancy  take  place  at  the  next 
Session  of  the  Legislature  I  have  no  doubt  they  would  give  you  the  ap 
pointment  not  only  for  the  remainder  of  my  term  but  for  the  next  Six 
years  several  precidents  from  other  States  may  be  adduced  when  in 
exactly  a  similar  Situation  —  I  should  be  very  much  gratified  with  a  line 
from  you  on  the  Subject  and  to  know  your  feelings  in  relation  thereto  — 
I  can  give  you  no  more  information  in  relation  to  our  public  affairs 
than  the  documents  I  sent  you  communicate  with  the  aid  of  the  news 
papers  I  have  touched  MT  Low  on  the  Subject  of  a  donation  to  the  Col 
lege  at  Burlington  he  has  determined  to  present  the  board  with  books 
to  the  amount  of  $500  —  of  the  most  modern  and  best  collection  that  can 
be  obtained  in  Europe  or  America  and  has  given  directions  accordingly 
the  Other  affair  which  was  mentioned  between  you  and  me  and  are  con 
cerning  L.L.D  I  have  placed  in  a  favourable  train  I  think  I  shall  succejed 
at  one  if  not  at  two  and  nearly  at  the  same  time  —  of  this  however  I  can 
give  you  more  correct  Information  hereafter  —  You  will  please  to  make 
my  respects  to  your  brother  Judges  and  all  our  friends  And  accept  the 
assurance 

of  my  most  cordial  respect  & 
personal  Esteem 

Stephen  R.  Bradley 1 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.io.67]. 


185 


BATTLE  OF  SACKETT S  HARBOR, 

I8l3. 


Letter  of  the  Commanding  Officer  on  the  American  side,  Jacob  Brown, 
Brigadier-General  of  Militia,  to  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  Governor  of 
New  York. 

Near  Quarters 

Sackett  Harbor  June  Ist  1813 
Dear  Sir 

You  will  have  recieved  mine  of  the  2Qth  ult  from  the  field  of 
Battle.  All  that  I  have  stated  is  so.  I  have  now  to  add  that  on  the  25th 
ult  I  recieved  a  communication  from  Genl  Dearborn  desiring  me  to  take 
the  command  of  this  Post  — 

I  hesitated.  Col.  Backus  was  here  an  officer  of  experience  in  whom 
I  placed  the  most  implicit  confidence  &  I  could  not  do  an  act  which  I 
feared  might  wound  his  feelings.  In  the  night  of  the  27th  Col.  Backus 
wrote  me  by  Major  Swan  desiring  that  I  would  come  &  take  the  com 
mand.  I  could  no  longer  hesitate.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  28th  I 
was  here  —  as  the  day  opened  Lieut  Chancey  the  Brother  of  our  worthy 
Commodore  came  in  from  the  Lake  firng  alarm  Guns.  The  signal  Guns 
that  had  been  agreed  upon  some  days  previous  to  rally  the  militia  were 
fired  in  answer,  and  I  sent  out  expresses  in  every  direction  to  alarm  the 
Country.  As  soon  as  Lieut  Chancey  came  into  Port  he  advised  me  that 
the  Fleet  approaching  was  the  Enemys  and  with  the  Glass  we  could  dis 
tinctly  percieve  that  they  had  a  very  liberal  supply  of  Boats.  I  then  no 
longer  doubted  but  that  they  were  resolved  to  Land  with  a  chosen  Body 
of  Troops  &  storm  our  works.  The  few  Artillerists  we  had  to  man  the 
Guns  of  Forts  Tompkins  &  Volunteer  prepared  themselves  for  the  worst 
&  Leut  Chancey  did  every  thing  possible  to  support  &  strengthen  Navy 
Point,  the  Guns  on  which  were  altogather  under  his  command  &  manned 
with  his  officers  &  men  —  As  Col.  Backus  had  very  recently  arrived  on 
this  Station  I  invited  him  and  others  to  accompany  me  in  a  thorough 
examination  of  the  Grounds  around  our  position  and  as  soon  as  this  had 
been  done  we  settled  a  regular  plan  of  defence  with  Lieut  Chancey.  I 
had  ever  been  of  the  opinion  that  no  military  man  would  ever  risque  the 
landing  men  in  the  mouth  of  Sackets  Harbor  for  reasons  which  it  would 
be  superfluous  here  to  explain.  I  knew  that  there  was  a  place  where 
determined  men  could  land  with  considerable  safety  under  cover  of  the 
fire  of  thier  small  Flat-Bottomed  Gun  Boats  that  I  also  knew  had  recently 

186 


arrived  from  Montreal  &  were  in  all  probability  with  the  Fleet.  At  the 
Waters  edge  near  Horse  Island  where  I  believed  the  Enemy  would  land 
I  was  resolved  to  meet  them  and  with  this  view  the  plan  of  defence  was 
settled  between  myself,  Col.  Backus,  Col.  Mills,  Lieut  Chancey,  Major 
Swan  &  Major  Brown.  I  was  to  meet  the  Enemy  at  the  waters  edge 
were  I  believd  that  they  would  land  with  all  the  militia  that  came  in  and 
the  Albany  Volunteers  under  Lieut  Col  Mills.  At  the  alarm  or  order 
given  by  me  Col  Backus  was  to  order  a  Body  of  Regulars  to  advance  so 
as  to  meet  the  Enemy  after  they  had  broken  or  disposed  of  the  Force 
with  me.  The  Force  with  me  being  broken  I  was  to  rally  them  and  fall 
upon  the  Enemy s  right  Flank  so  as  to  retard  thier  approach  towards  Fort 
Tompkins  as  long  as  possible  always  hoping  that  the  Country  would  send 
forth  all  its  means  to  our  assistance  &  believing  that  to  gain  time  was  to 
ensure  victory.  If  however  the  Enemy  should  overcome  the  assembled 
Regulars  &  militia  and  drive  us  the  whole  length  of  way  from  Horse 
Island  to  Fort  Tompkins  &  carry  that  Fort,  Lieut  Chancey  would  then  £ 
in  that  case  see  the  stores  on  Navy  Point  destroyed,  the  new  Ship  burned 
&  retire  with  his  Schooners  and  the  men  he  had  left  to  the  south  shore  of 
the  bay,  East  of  Fort  Volunteer.  The  force  remaining  with  me  were  to 
retire  to  Fort  Volunteer,  being  the  highest  Ground  —  as  our  dernier 
resort  and  if  the  Enemy  should  prove  too  hard  for  Lieut  Chancey  he  was 
to  land  his  men,  blow  up  his  vessels  &  join  me  in  Fort  Volunteer,  when 
we  would  be  governed  by  circumstances.  This  being  our  plan  &  the 
Enemy  having  first  struck  us  as  contemplated  it  remains  to  see  how  well 
our  plan  was  executed.  The  wind  being  very  light  during  the  whole  of 
the  28th  and  the  Enemy  having  arrangements  to  make  for  landing,  they 
moved  slowly  up  the  Bay  but  no  doubt  would  have  attacked  us  in  the 
course  of  the  afternoon  had  it  not  been  for  the  approach  of  Boats  from 
Oswego  with  reinforcements.  This  circumstance  diverted  them  for  a 
time,  they  attacked  the  boats,  took  of  them  and  a  number  of  our 

men  with  what  loss  to  them  or  to  us  in  other  respects  I  am  yet  unin 
formed.  In  the  course  of  the  28th  &  night  of  the  28th  &  29th  a  consider 
able  number  of  militia  collected.  They  were  as  they  arrived  ordered  to  a 
small  improvement  on  the  main  just  within  Horse  Island  and  such  pro 
visions  as  could  be  furnished  for  them  was  carted  to  the  Ground  where 
they  all  ate  in  common  paying  no  attention  to  the  ordinary  mode  of  draw 
ing  rations.  Col  Mills  with  the  Albany  Volunteers  was  on  Horse  Island 
—  In  the  Evening  of  trie  28th  I  joined  the  force  assembled  near  Horse 
Island  &  explained  to  the  leading  officers  my  views  as  I  feared  a  night 
attack  it  being  of  the  first  importance  to  the  Enemy  to  be  rapid  in  their 
movements  to  prevent  the  fatal  effects  to  them,  of  the  Force  that  would 
be  assembled  by  morning  and  of  those  brave  men  as  I  supposed  that  would 
generously  fly  to  thier  Countrys  standard,  ambitious  to  have  a  name  in 
the  victory  which  I  most  firmly  believed  was  certain.  As  the  morning  of 
the  29th  approached  I  found  myself  with  a  part  of  three  Regiments  of 
Militia  &  the  Albany  Volunteers  amounting  altogether,  say  to  five  hun 
dred  men,  all  anxious  for  the  Fight,  were  you  to  believe  thier  professions. 


187 


The  moment  it  was  so  light  as  to  see  an  object  on  the  Bay  the  Enemys 
Ships  were  discovered  in  nearly  a  direct  line  between  the  head  of  Horse 
Island  &  Stony  Point  and  within  ten  minutes  thirty  three  boats  filled  with 
men  approached  us  from  the  south  side  of  the  larger  Indian  or  Garden 
Island  when  the  action  in  fact  began  as  the  Enemy  immediately  opened 
upon  us  with  thier  Gun  Boats  —  I  immediately  directed  Col  Backus  to 
advance  &  ordered  Col  Mills  to  join  me  on  the  main.  The  moment  Col 
Mills  had  joined  me  I  ordered  of  the  Albany  Volunteers  who  had 
the  command  of  a  haveling  Brass  six  pounder  to  open  upon  the  Enemy. 
The  Albany  Volunteers  under  Col  Mills  wrere  then  laid  down  on  the  right 
behind  a  small  natural  Breastwork  on  the  beach  £  all  the  Militia  under 
Col  Sprague  behind  the  same  natural  Breastwork  on  the  left  &  those 
under  Col  Tuttle  to  take  a  position  that  I  pointed  out  about  thirty  rods 
upon  my  left  Flank  by  the  edge  of  the  Woods  near  the  Bay  to  prevent  a 
surprise  from  savages  that  I  apprehended  would  come  in  from  that 
quarter.  The  Enemy  by  this  time  had  landed  a  body  of  men  at  the  Head 
of  Horse  Island  who  were  advancing  in  open  Column  upon  a  line  with  the 
Enemys  front  Gun  boats  Every  exertion  was  then  made  to  inspire  my 
little  force  witfi  confidence.  If  they  would  but  lay  firm  &  restrain  thier 
fire  I  was  confident  that  every  man  must  nearly  kill  his  man.  I  then 
took  my  position  in  the  center  by  the  left  of  the  men  at  the  six  pounder 
directly  in  front  of  the  Column  approaching  from  the  Island  and  all  was 
silent  with  me  excepting  this  six.  The  Enemy  rapidly  approaching  and 
keeping  up  as  heavy  a  fire  as  possible  from  thier  boats,  not  a  shot  was 
fired  from  the  Column,  the  front  approaching,  charging  Bayonets.  It 
appeared  impossible  to  restrain  raw  Troops  so  as  to  make  them  in  any 
high  degree  usefull.  Those  with  me  did  fire  &  would  fire  before  I  in 
tended.  The  Enemy  were  however  pretty  near  and  as  I  was  attentively 
watching  thier  movements  &  the  happy  effects  of  our  fire  to  my  utter 
astonishment  my  men  rose  from  thier  cover,  broke  &  before  I  could 
realize  the  disgracefull  scene  there  was  scarcely  a  man  within  several 
Rods  of  where  I  stood.  Col  Mills  fell  gallantly  strugling  to  stop  his  men. 
I  was  more  fortunate.  I  made  all  the  noise  I  could  for  my  men,  put  my 
handkerchief  on  the  point  of  my  sword  &  made  every  signal  possible  that 
they  might  notice  me,  but  in  vain.  At  a  little  distance  however  I  had  the 
good  fortune  to  come  up  [with]  Capt  McNitt  who  had  succeeded  in  rally 
ing  a  few  men  and  they  were  doing  all  they  could  from  behind  some  large 
logs  by  the  edge  of  the  field  —  I  complimented  them  &  complained  of 
those  who  had  left  me  ordered  Capt  McNitt  to  stand  fast  and  I  would 
go  &  call  up  Col  Tuttle  from  the  Point  where  I  had  ordered  him.  I  went 
but  no  Col  Tuttle  could  I  find  or  any  other  man.  By  the  time  I  returned 
Lieut  May,  &  a  few  others  had  joined  Capt  McNitt.  I  then  ordered  an 
advance  upon  the  rear  of  the  Enemys  right  Flank  &  I  trust  some  execu 
tion  was  done,  but  as  my  party  did  not  exceede  one  hundred  and  as  I 
deemed  it  very  important  for  me  to  know  how  things  stood  in  front  of 
the  Enemy  where  the  Regulars  were  most  nobly  contending  I  ordered  a 
rapid  movement  forward  to  pass  the  Enemy  and  as  we  were  advancing 
a  fire  came  at  some  distance  upon  our  right  Flank.  We  halted,  faced 

188 


about  &  McNitt  was  in  the  act  of  firing  when  I  ordered  a  little  delay  say 
ing  they  must  be  our  Friends.  In  a  moment  we  saw  the  Redcoats  ap 
proaching  from  the  right  of  the  path  along  which  we  had  passed.  McNitt 
gave  them  his  best  fire  and  we  made  a  rapid  retreat  upon  the  extreme 
lett  of  the  few  brave  men  who  had  sustained  the  contest  in  front  —  As  I 
last  turned  from  the  woods  upon  the  left  of  my  Friends  I  saw  an  alarming 
flame  arising  from  Navy  Point  the  position  that  contained  the  spoils  of 
York  and  some  few  of  Commodore  Chanceys  effects.  With  all  possible 
expedition  I  made  my  way  into  Fort  Tompkins  &  found  the  officer  Lieut 
Ketchum  I  had  left  there  in  the  act  of  touching  off  the  long  thirty  two  at 
the  Enemys  Shipping  —  I  desired  him  to  keep  up  as  heavy  a  fire  as 
possible  and  assured  him  that  victory  was  ours.  He  replied  Gen1.  I  can 
not  discharge  this  gun  again,  the  flame  from  the  marine  Barracks  is  so 
hot  that  my  men  cannot  exist  here.  I  felt  the  force  of  his  answer  & 
replied  do  the  best  you  can  &  left  him.  Being  alarmed  for  the  Ship,  the 
object  of  the  Contest  I  hurried  towards  her  &  found  Major  Brown  who 
assured  me  the  Ship  was  safe  and  that  what  had  happened  was  owing  to 
the  infamous  conduct  of  those  in  whom  Lieut  Chancey  had  placed  confi 
dence,  that  it  was  without  his  knowledge,  that  they  had  gone  from  Navy 
Point  &  informed  Chancey  that  all  was  lost  on  upon  the  right  of  our  line 
of  Battle.  I  ordered  Major  Brown  to  send  forthwith  to  Lieut  Chancey 
and  assure  him  all  was  safe  on  the  right  &  that  Victory  was  ours.  In 
passing  up  to  the  junction  of  the  Brownville,  midale  &  Adams  roads 
where  I  percieved  some  hundred  of  idle  men  assembled  at  a  very  respect- 
full  distance  from  danger  Major  Swan  rode  up  to  me  &  informed  me 
that  the  fixed  ammunition  was  expended.  I  replied  it  may  be  so  I  do 
not  believe  it  —  but  if  it  is  so  tell  no  man. 

I  then  rode  among  these  People  &  they  tryed  to  impose  upon  me  as 
they  had  upon  the  Major  but  I  knew  them  better  &  could  admit  of  no 
excuse.  Many  of  them  had  drawn  thier  Boxes  full  the  day  before  & 
never  fired  a  Gun  at  the  Enemy.  With  much  ado  I  got  them  to  move 
toward  the  right  Flank  of  the  Enemy  in  hopes  of  throwing  them  in  the 
Woods  behind  Sir  George  should  he  presume  further  to  advance.  I  then 
ordered  Major  Lucket  who  I  knew  would  not  hesitate  to  advance  with 
his  mounted  Light  Dragoons  into  the  open  space  west  of  Judge  Sackets 
old  house  &  nearly  in  a  line  between  the  Enemy  &  the  Ship.  It  was  done. 
Hurrying  then  to  where  the  American  &  British  Regulars  fought  I  very 
soon  felt  that  victory  was  really  ours  and  if  Sir  George  had  not  been  off 
with  almost  the  rapidity  of  thought  he  would  not  have  returned  that  day. 

The  closing  scene  of  this  glorious  day  for  the  officers  &  soldiers  of 
Regular  Army  who  had  the  honor  to  be  on  the  spot  you  have  in  my  dis 
patch  of  the  2Qth  ult. 

I  have  only  to  add  that  in  relation  to  the  officers  Generally  that  they 
are  men  who  do  honor  to  thier  Country  &  that  they  would  do  honor  to 
any  age  or  nation  To  Capt  McNitt  01  the  Militia  I  have  presented  the 
sword  that  I  wore  on  the  2Qth  as  a  testimony  of  my  esteem  &  regard  for 
his  Gallant  conduct  &  I  should  be  gratifyed  if  you  would  cause  him  to 
be  appointed  in  the  Regular  Army  To  Col  Backus,  who  praised  be  God 

189 


still  lives  —  I  have  presented  the  sword  taken  from  Adt  Gen  Gray  who 
was  killed  not  distant  from  where  the  noble  Backus  fell  &  by  the  side  of 
Sir  George  Provoost. 

I  have  directed  Major  Swan,  who  had  the  Goodness  to  Volunteer 
his  services  as  my  acting  Adjt  Gen1.  &  to  whom  I  feel  myself  under  the 
greatest  obligations  for  his  attentions  during  the  arduous  scene  through 
which  we  have  passed,  to  make  &  transmit  with  this  dispatch  a  return 
of  the  killed  wounded  &  prisoners  of  Both  sides  &  also  of  the  parts  of 
Regiments  of  the  Regular  Army  engaged  that  you  may  have  a  correct 
idea  of  the  amount  of  force  on  our  side  &  that  the  parts  of  Regiments 
engaged  may  have  the  honor  they  have  so  fairly  earned. 

The  Enemy  that  landed  were  at  least  one  thousand  picked  men  & 
thier  fleet  consisted  of  the  new  Ship  Wolf,  Royal  George,  Earl  Morven, 
Prince  Regent  &  two  Schooners  besides  thier  Gun  &  other  Boats.  As  1 
am  closing  this  communication  Commodore  Chancey  has  arrived  with 
his  squadron  &  as  I  can  be  no  longer  useful  here  I  shall  return  home  in 
the  morning.  I  must  yet  add  in  justice  to  a  brave  honorable  man  that 
Lieut  Chancey  stands  higher  in  my  estimation  than  he  did  before  he  was 
associated  with  me  for  the  protection  of  this  place.  No  blame  can  attach 
to  him  for  what  happened  on  Navy  Point.  He  was  decieved  by  the  ma 
terials  on  whom  he  relied  &  nothing  short  of  Divinity  can  guard  against 
such  occurrences. 

Lieut  Col  Tuttle  of  the  Regular  Army  who  was  on  the  march  to 
this  place  made  every  exertion  that  an  officer  or  soldier  could  make  to 
get  into  the  action  but  came  too  late  for  the  fight  &  1  am  confident  that 
Lieut  Col  Tuttle  &  every  officer  under  his  command  feels  it  as  an  indi 
vidual  misfortune  that  it  was  not  in  thier  power  to  get  up  in  time. 

Your  Excellency  as  Commander  in  Chief  may  think  that  I  bear  hard 
upon  the  militia.  I  do  them  justice  Sir.  Nothing  short  of  a  certain 
guarantee  for  my  souls  happiness  after  death  could  have  given  me  such 
comfortable  &  gratefull  feelings  as  to  have  obtained  a  victory  over  Sir 
George  Provoost  &  the  best  men  he  could  collect  in  which  the  militia 
under  my  Command  should  have  had  a  principal  agency.  But  Sir  this 
is  not  the  fact.  The  noble  men  both  officers  &  Soldiers  of  the  Regular 
Army  &  some  few,  precious  few  Citizen  Soldiers  who  nobly  resisted  the 
Shock  of  the  Foe  men  the  Foe  of  Basswood  Cantonment  are  the  men  who 
merrit  the  honor  of  this  Victory  &  Sir  they  must  have  it.  Of  the  precious 
few  Citizen  Soldiers  who  distinguished  themselves  Mr  Channing  stands 
conspicious. 

Respectfully  Yours 
Jac:  Brown 
Brig :  Gen1  Militia  1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.io.68], 


190 


AARON  BURR. 


Aaron  Burr  to  his  son-in-law,  Governor  Joseph  Alston. 

15  Nov.  1815. 

A  Congressional  Caucus  will,  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  month, 
nominate  James  Monroe  for  Pres4  of  the  U.  S.  and  will  call  on  all  good 
republicans  to  support  the  nomination. 

Whether  we  consider  the  measure  itself —  the  Character  &  Talents 
of  the  Man  or  the  State  whence  he  comes,  this  nomination  is  equally 
exceptionable  &  odious  — 

I  have  often  heard  your  opinion  of  these  Congressional  Nomina 
tions  — they  are  hostile  to  all  freedom  &  independence  of  Suffrage  —  A 
certain  Junto  of  Actual  and  factitious  Virginians  having  had  possession 
of  the  Gov1.  for  24  years  consider  the  U.  S.  as  their  property  and  by 
bawling  "Support  the  Admn"  have  so  long  succeeded  in  duping  the  repub 
lican  public  —  One  of  their  principal  Arts  &  which  has  been  systematically 
taught  by  Jefferson  is  that  of  promoting  State  dissentions —  not  between 
repub.  &  federal  —  that  would  do  them  no  good,  but  seisms  in  the  repub. 
party  —  By  looking  round,  you  will  see  how  the  attention  of  leading  men 
in  the  different  States  has  thus  been  turned  from  general  &  State  politics  — 
Let  not  this  disgraceful  domination  continue  — 

Independently  of  the  manner  of  the  nomination  &  of  the  location  of 
the  candidate,  the  Man  himself  is  one  of  the  most  improper  &  incompetent 
that  could  have  been  selected  —  Naturally  dull  &  stupid  —  extremely  illit 
erate  —  indecisive  to  a  degree  that  would  be  incredible  to  one  who  did  not 
know  him — pusillanimous  &  of  course  hypocritical  —  has  no  opinion  on 
any  subject  &  will  be  always  under  the  Gov*.  of  the  worst  Men — pretends, 
as  I  am  told,  to  some  knowledge  of  military  matters,  but  never  commanded 
a  platoon  nor  was  ever  fit  to  command  one —  "He  served  in  the  revolu 
tionary  War" — that  is,  he  acted  a  short  time  as  aide  de  Camp  to  Ld.  Stir 
ling  who  was  regularly  drunk  from  morning  to  morning  —  Monroe's 
whole  duty  was  to  fill  his  Lordship's  Tankard  and  hear  with  indications 
of  admiration  his  Lordship's  long  stories  about  himself —  Such  is  Mon 
roes  military  experience  —  I  was  with  my  regiment  in  the  same  division 
at  the  time — As  a  Lawyer,  Monroe  was  far  below  Mediocrity — He  never 
rose  to  the  Honor  of  trying  a  Cause  of  the  Value  of  an  hundred  pounds  — 
This  is  a  character  exactly  suited  to  the  Views  of  the  Virginia  Junto  — 

To  this  Junto  you  have  twice  sacrificed  yourself  &  what  have  you  got 
by  it  ?  their  hatred  &  abhorrence  —  Did  you  ever  know  them  countenance 
a  man  of  Talents  &  independence  ?  Never,  nor  ever  will  — 

191 


It  is  time  that  you  manifested  that  you  had  some  individual  chaiacter 
—  Some  opinion  of  your  own  —  Some  influence  to  support  that  opinion  — 
Make  them  fear  you  &  they  will  be  at  your  feet  —  thus  far  they  have 
reason  to  believe  that  you  fear  them  — 

The  Moment  is  extremely  Auspicious  for  breaking  down  this  degrad 
ing  system  —  the  best  citizens  of  our  Country  acknowledge  the  feebleness 
of  our  Administration  —  they  acknowledge  that  offices  are  bestowed 
merely  to  preserve  power  &  without  the  smallest  regard  to  fitness  —  If 
then  there  be  a  man  in  the  U.  S.  of  firmness  and  decision  &  having  stand 
ing  enough  to  afford  even  a  hope  of  success,  it  is  your  duty  to  hold  him 
up  to  public  view  —  That  man  is  Andrew  Jackson  —  Nothing  is  wanting 
but  a  respectable  Nomination  made  before  the  Proclamation  of  the  Virga 
Caucus,  and  Jackson's  success  is  inevitable. 

If  this  project  should  accord  with  your  Views,  I  could  wish  to  see 
you  prominent  in  the  Execution  of  it  —  It  must  be  known  to  be  your 
Work  —  Whether  a  formal  &  open  nomination  should  now  be  made  or 
whether  you  should  for  the  present  content  yourself  with  basely  denounc 
ing  by  a  joint  resolution  of  both  houses  of  your  Legislature  Congressional 
caucusses  &  nominations,  you  only  can  judge  —  One  consideration  in 
clines  me  to  hesitate  about  the  policy  of  a  present  nomination  —  It  is  this, 
that  Jackson  ought  first  to  be  admonished  to  be  passive  —  for  the  moment 
he  shall  be  announced  as  a  Candidate,  He  will  be  assailed  by  the  Virga 
Junto,  with  Menaces  &  with  insidious  promises  of  boons  &  favors  —  There 
is  danger  that  Jackson  might  be  wrought  upon  by  such  practices  —  If  an 
open  nomination  be  made  an  express  should  instantly  be  sent  to  him  — 

This  suggestion  has  not  arisen  from  any  exclusive  attachment  to 
Jackson  —  The  object  is  to  break  down  this  Vile  combination  which  rules 
&  degrades  the  U.  S.  If  you  should  think  that  any  other  Man  could  be 
held  up  with  better  prospect  of  Success,  name  that  man  —  I  know  of  no 
such  —  But  the  business  must  be  accomplished  &  on  this  occasion  &  by 
you.  So  long  as  the  present  system  prevails,  you  will  be  strugling  against 
wind  &  tide  to  preserve  a  precarious  influence  —  You  will  never  be  for 
given  for  the  Crime  of  having  Talents  &  independence — 

Exhibit  yourself  then  &  emerge  from  this  state  of  Nullity —  you  owe 
it  to  yourself  —  You  owe  it  to  me  —  You  owe  it  to  your  Country  —  You 
owe  it  to  the  memory  of  the  dead  — 

A  B~ 

I  have  talked  of  this  matter  to  your  late  Sec.  but  he  has  not  seen  this 
letter  — - 

Your  Secy  was  to  have  delivered  this  personally,  but  has  changed  his 
Course  on  hearing  that  J.  is  on  his  Way  to  Wash" —  If  you  should  have 
any  confidential  friend  among  the  members  of  Cong,  from  your  State 
charge  him  to  caution  J.  against  the  perfidious  Caresses  with  which  he 
will  be  overwhelmed  at  Washington 

ii  Decr  Since  writing  the  preceeding  our  project  is  wonderfully  advanced 
as  your  Sec.  will  write  or  tell  ou  — 

192 


It  is  now  necessary  that  you  and  a  few  others  (you  alone  if  you  please, 
but  three  names  wd  be  more  formal)  announcing  your  intentions  —  that 
Communications  have  been  had  with  every  State  to  the  Northward  —  re 
questing  of  him  the  Names  of  persons  in  all  the  Western  States  to  whom 
you  may  address  yourselves  &  requiring  any  that  he  would  [illegible].  * 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 


John  Quincy  Adams  to  William  Plumer. 

His  Excellency  William  Plumer,  Governor  of  New  Hampshire.  Epping 

Washington  6.  July  1818. 

Dear  Sir. 

During  the  Session  of  Congress  I  took  care,  that  the  public  docu 
ments  which  I  thought  would  be  acceptable  to  you  should  from  time  to 
time  be  forwarded,  but  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  Letters  from 
you  dated  17.  Novr  26  Decr  13  March  and  8  May  which  ought  long  since 
to  have  been  severally  answered;  but  that  among  the  many  valued  Cor 
respondents  whose  favors  I  find  it  impossible  even  regularly  to  acknowl 
edge,  I  extend  the  omissions  longest  to  those  from  whom,  I  flatter  myself 
that  it  will  be  regarded  with  the  most  liberal  indulgence. 

Very  shortly  after  I  received  your  Letter  and  that  of  your  Son, 
respecting  the  publication  of  the  Journal  of  the  Convention  which  formed 
the  present  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  a  Resolution  was  offered 
in  the  Senate  to  the  same  effect,  which  in  the  course  of  the  Session  was 
adopted  by  both  Houses,  with  the  addition  of  a  direction  for  the  publica 
tion  also  of  part  of  the  Correspondence  of  the  Old  Congress  during  the 
Revolution.  Presuming  that  this  legislative  provision  would  supersede 
the  intention  of  your  Son,  I  have  forborne  to  take  any  further  steps  in 
relation  to  it. 

You  have  been  kind  enough  upon  several  occasions,  and  upon  various 
topics  of  public  interest,  to  give  me  your  opinions  in  the  candour  and  sin 
cerity  of  friendship.  Those  opinions  have  always  been  much  respected 
by  me;  where  the  measures  of  the  President  have  met  your  approbation, 
it  has  given  me  as  much  pleasure  as  if  they  had  been  my  own ;  when  you 
have  censured,  I  have  always  perceived  with  new  regret  that  it  was  not 
without  reason.  There  have  been  however  motives  for  the  steps  which 
you  think  objectionable,  of  which  you  have  not  perhaps  been  aware.  The 
opinion  given  by  the  President  in  the  message  at  the  Commencement  of 
the  late  Session,  against  the  Constitutional  power  of  Congress  in  regard 

'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.6o]. 

193 


to  internal  improvement  was  thus  declared  to  avoid  the  complaint  which 
had  been  made  against  his  Predecessor,  of  having  withheld  his  opinion 
upon  the  same  question  until  Congress  had  matured  an  act  for  making 
such  improvements,  and  then  defeating  the  measure  by  his  Veto.  Many 
of  the  members  of  the  former  Congress  had  shewed  dissatisfaction  at  this 
course,  and  had  urged  that  it  would  be  fairer,  and  save  the  time  of  Con 
gress  and  the  Nation  if  the  Chief  Magistrate  should  explicitly  make  known 
his  opinion,  before-hand,  so  as  to  spare  the  Majority  of  the  Legislature 
the  necessity  of  coming  in  direct  collision  with  his  negative.  These  rea 
sons  certainly  have  their  weight;  but  in  fact  the  exercise  of  actual  con- 
troul  by  the  President  over  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  a  majority  of  the 
Legislature,  will  never  be  very  palatable,  in  what  form  so  ever  it  may  be 
administered. 

I  hope  the  appointment  to  Russia,  will  prove  more  satisfactory  than 
your  anticipations.  The  difficulty  of  filling  the  foreign  Missions  well,  is 
great  and  increasing.  You  are  aware  that  the  Compensation  allowed  to 
our  Ministers  at  the  principal  European  Courts  is,  not  only  inadequate, 
but  to  such  a  degree  that  no  man  can  accept  and  hold  one  of  them  more 
than  one  or  two  years  without  sacrifices  of  private  property,  which  few 
of  us  are  able  to  bear.  Mr  Pinkney,  with  the  advantage  of  a  double  outfit 
has  been  driven  home  at  the  end  of  two  years,  by  the  excess  of  his  expences 
as  much  as  by  the  rigour  of  the  Russian  Climate.  Our  Countrymen  and 
Congress  are  not  yet  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  making  further  pro 
vision  for  the  support  of  the  Missions  abroad,  but  men  of  the  first  rate 
talents  have  discovered  that  they  can  do  better  for  themselves  and  their 
families  at  home.  The  Missions  to  England  and  to  Russia  were  both 
declined,  by  men  of  whose  abilities,  you  would  have  been  fully  satisfied. 
The  state  of  things  will  be  felt  in  consequences  which  may  cost  the  Nation 
Millions  for  every  thousand  saved  by  their  parsimony  in  this  instance. 
I  am  no  friend  to  profusion  for  the  payment  of  public  service.  I  am  con 
vinced  that  it  is  just  and  politic  in  the  People,  to  make  all  their  offices  of 
high  trust  and  honour,  rather  burthensome  than  lucrative  —  Real  patri 
otism,  will  cheerfully  bear  some  pecuniary  sacrifice,  and  the  appetite  of 
Ambition  for  Place,  is  sufficiently  sharp-set  without  needing  the  stimu'ant 
dram  of  Avarice  to  make  it  keener.  But  in  the  Missions  abroad  there  are 
expences,  and  a  general  Style  of  living  which  your  Ministers  cannot  avoid 
without  personal  and  national  degradation.  Men  of  affluent  Fortunes 
may  be  willing  to  accept  as  a  Salary  for  a  year  that  which  will  little  more 
than  defray  their  necessary  expences  for  a  Quarter,  but  throughout  the 
United  States  how  many  men  are  there,  able  by  their  private  resources  to 
be  laid  under  this  contribution?  and  of  that  number,  small  as  it  is,  how 
many  possess  talents  suited  to  represent  the  Nation,  with  honour,  atiH  to 
execute  the  trust  of  its  most  important  interests  which  must  be  confided 
to  them  ? 

The  state  of  our  Relations  with  Spain  continues  to  be  critical,  and 
has  been  rendered  more  so  by  the  recent  events  in  Florida.  The  despatches 


194 


from  General  Jackson  which  will  explain  his  motives  for  the  capture  of 
Pensacola,  have  not  yet  been  received. 

We  are  in  daily  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  the  Commissioners  from 
South  America.  You  will  see  in  the  newspapers  some  interesting  details 
of  affairs  in  Chili,  with  an  address  to  Captain  Biddle  of  the  Ontario. 

I  am  with  great  Respect,  Dear  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  obed*  Serv* 

John  Quincy  Adams.  * 


SAMUEL  DELUCENNA  INGHAM. 


S.  D.  Ingham  to  David  Henshaw. 

Washington  2  Sep  1821 
Dr  Sir 

Your  letter  in  explanation  of  the  charge  made  by  Dr  Ingalls  was 
forwarded  to  the  President  at  Fort  Calhoun  where  he  had  gone  for  the 
benefit  of  salt  bathing  —  you  will  as  a  man  of  business  understand  why  I 
made  no  remarks  upon  the  transaction  untill  the  papers  were  submitted  to 
the  President  who  alone  had  the  power  and  of  course  the  right  to  decide  — 
I  am  now  at  liberty  to  say  that  he  understands  the  subject  precisely  as  it 
presented  itself  to  my  mind  upon  reading  the  papers  and  as  I  think  it 
would  to  every  impartial  mind  —  and  really  the  more  I  reflect  upon  the 
proceeding  the  more  I  am  at  a  loss  to  discover  to  my  own  satisfaction 
whether  folly  malice  or  wickedness  has  most  prevailed  in  these  movements 
against  you  I  need  not  say  to  you  however  that  prudence  &  moderation 
best  becomes  those  in  power,  these  qualities  are  pretty  well  understood  to 
be  the  natural  offspring  of  conscious  rectitude,  and  the  cultivation  of  them 
enables  us  to  keep  our  adversaries  in  the  wrong,  are  the  true  foundations 
of  just  [  ?]  energy  —  this  letter  is  intended  as  private.  I  will  give  you 
the  official  decission  on  the  charges  as  soon  as  time  permits  —  in  the  mean 
time  very  truly  yours 

S  D  Ingham 
David  Henshaw  Esq  : 2 

S.  D.  Ingham  to  David  Henshaw. 

Private. 

Washington  17  Aug.  30 
Dear  Sir 

You  will  have  observed  a  publication  in  the  Tellegraph  in  rela 
tion  to  the  fishing  bounty  paid  in  182^-^0  —  this  was  made  up  at  the 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts    [Cham.C.7.86]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.S.ag]. 


first  auditors  &  Registers  offices,  but  I  am  apprehensive  that  there  may 
be  some  errors  in  it,  which  I  would  be  glad  to  examine  into  before  the 
statement  is  noticed ;  It  is  very  mortifying  to  have  mistakes  on  such  sub 
jects  but  such  is  the  constitution  of  the  office  that  it  is  extremely  difficult 
to  know  when  we  can  rely  upon  any  statement  recd  from  them. 

Your  answer  to  the  Bank  puts  Mr.  Frothingham  hors  de  combat  —  it 
seems  that  the  counsel  for  the  Bank  advis'd  that  it  was  legally  exonerated 
from  the  paym*  of  the  defalcation,  by  reason  of  the  part  your  bond  Clerk 
had  acted  —  Mr  Biddle  intimated  such  an  opinion  when  he  informed  me 
that  the  credits  were  ordered  to  be  given.  I  took  the  occasion  to  protest 
against  the  doctrine  and  to  insist  that  a  pay*  made  to  an  authorised  officer 
of  the  bank  was  good  &  must  be  accounted  for  whether  creditted  or  not, 
no  matter  whether  embezzled  by  COLLUSION  with  the  highest  or  lowest 
officer  of  the  Gov*  —  I  took  the  strongest  ground  —  leaving  every  fact  in 
the  present  case  except  the  admitted  delivery  of  the  hands  to  the  bank  and 
the  pay*,  of  the  money  to  the  Teller  out  of  the  question. 

Mr.  F.'s  attempted  exculpation  was  on  its  face  a  good  deal  worse 
than  none,  and  the  effort  to  throw  the  censure  on  yr  office  indicates  weak 
ness  of  mind  or  of  nerves  —  You  are  as  much  mistaken  about  the  Deputy 
inspectors  of  the  Revenue  as  Judge  Story  was  when  he  made  all  inspectors 
Deputies  of  the  collector  altho  the  former  is  by  no  means  so  plain  a  case  — 
I  had  occasion  to  examine  it  thoroughly  last  year  for  Philada.  and  again 
last  winter  upon  a  Petition  to  Congress  from  N.  York  on  which  I  made  a 
report  which  removed  all  doubt  on  the  question  — 

As  well  as  I  can  learn  the  practice  all  markers  &  provers  were  deputed 
from  Inspectors  of  the  customs  untill  1822  when  by  implication  which  I 
think  that  law  does  not  warrant,  they  were  seperated ;  —  The  comptroller 
decided  very  opposite  to  your  opinion  that  markers  &  Provers  were  offi 
cers  and  hence  the  duty  was  incompatible  with  any  other  officer  in  the 
custom  I  say  that  as  markers  &  provers  they  are  not  officers  but  deputies 
and  that  none  but  inspectors  can  lawfully  be  deputed  —  and  this  is  the 
only  security  of  the  Gov*  for  their  faithful  performance  of  duty,  as  other 
wise  they  are  under  no  obligation  of  oath  or  official  responsibility  of  any 
kind  —  altho  the  duty  is  much  more  important  than  that  of  measurer  or 
Guager  —  they  cannot  be  regarded  as  labourers  Their  marks  on  liquors 
&  Teas  are  deemed  of  high  authority  under  many  circumstances  and  it  is 
of  no  small  importance  that  every  person  who  has  such  a  duty  to  perform 
should  realize  that  he  acts  under  all  the  obligations  &  solemnities  which 
belong  to  official  duty  — 

Kentucky  has  overthrown  her  "table  orator"  and  the  press  in  Ohio 
maintain  the  veto  strongly  —  In  Penna  the  opposition  are  afraid  to  dis 
cuss  it  which  I  am  sorry  for ;  having  long  been  desirous  that  the  people 
should  be  induced  to  think  closely  on  this  subject —  not  a  Democratic 
paper  has  lisped  a  word  against  it,  altho  most  of  our  members  went 


196 


astray,  —  we  have  in  the  present  Congress  but  two  coalition  members 
from  Pa  —  in  the  next  we  shall  probably  have  the  old  federal  strength 
which  is  about  6  — 

very  respectfully 

Your  S  D.  Ingham 
Hon  David  Henshaw : 1 


S.  D.  Ingham  to  David  Henshaw. 

Dr  Sir 

I  enclose  you  a  corrected  statement  of  the  Fishing  bounty  accruing 
in  1828  &  1829  and  have  been  much  mortified  with  the  mistake  in  the 
former  statement.  It  is  not  the  first  time  I  have  had  to  suffer  for  the 
error  of  others  —  The  estimates  of  expenditure  of  the  Gov*  for  the  4th 
Quarter  of  1829  were  an  example  —  these  estimates  were  made  by  the 
heads  of  the  respective  Depts  to  which  the  expenditure  belong'd,  not  by  me, 
they  were  wrong  by  one  million!  Chilton  &  co.  confounded  estimates  with 
expenditures  and  insisted  that  we  had  expended  a  million  more  than  was 
true  because  I  had  so  estimated,  but  the  actual  expenditures  were  exhib- 
itted  &  proved  the  gross  error  in  the  estimate,  which  I  was  obliged  to 
bear  the  odium  of,  as  I  could  not  charge  it  where  it  belonged  without  a 
seeming  reflection  on  them.  Mr.  McKinney  of  the  Indian  Dep*  had  err'd 
in  his  estimate  near  half  a  million  after  2  months  of  the  quarter  was  past !  ! 
But  now  to  the  point  before  us,  —  I  sent  to  the  Registers  office  for  a  state 
ment  of  the  money  expended  for  Fishing  bounty  in  1828,  1829  respectively, 
never  dreaming  that  an  expenditure  kept  so  distinct  by  law  would  be 
confounded  betiveen  the  last  day  of  December  and  the  first  quarter  of  the 
next  year,  —  but  in  a  thoughtless  tho  perhaps  literal  obedience,  they  sent 
me  the  payments  made  in  each  year  without  regard  to  the  year  in  which 
they  accrued,  —  but  as  the  payments  which  may  be  made  on  the  31  Decr 
1830  could  not  be  noticed  or  brought  in,  the  analogy  of  the  statements  was 
destroyed ;  and  the  expenditures  for  '29  paid  in  30  appear'd  less  in  com 
parison  with  those  of  1828  than  they  would  have  been  if  both  statements 
had  been  made  up  upon  the  same  basis  — 

The  corrected  statement  shews  a  saving  of  $52,379.49  in  1829  which 
is  very  great  in  such  a  term ;  no  less  than  25  per  cent,  —  you  may  if  you 
think  proper  publish  the  enclosed  and  use  it  in  your  own  way  without 
noticing  the  Tellegraph  Article  at  all  —  it  may  not  be  observed,  &  if  it  is, 
the  true  statement  may  be  referred  to.  Few  people  understand  any  thing 
of  the  fishing  bounty  except  in  N.  E  —  and  the  Tell,  statement  will  not 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.37]. 


197 


be  likely  to  attract  notice  untill  some  one  takes  it  up  and  comments  — 
Kentucky  is  not  quite  so  good  as  expected  but  it  is  doubtful  which 

has  the  vote  for  Senator 

very  truly 
your  S.  D.  Ingham 
Hon  David  Henshaw  — 

20  August  30  * 


JAMES  MONROE. 


James  Monroe  to . 

Highland  near  Milton. 
Sepr.  24.  1821 
Dear  Sir 

I  have  received  yours  of  the  2  Ist.  and  am  happy  to  hear  that  you 
have  in  a  great  measure  recovered  your  health.  I  hope  that  the  use  of  the 
Bladensburg  water,  with  the  exercise  you  take  in  going  there,  will  soon 
remove  all  disease,  if  it  has  not  already  done  it.  I  came  here  to  look  into 
my  affairs,  which  required  it,  &  likewise  to  take  exercise,  by  a  ride  along 
our  so.  west  mountain,  which  I  trust  will  be  beneficial,  tho'  indeed  my 
health  has  been  remarkably  good  of  late. 

Your  view  of  requiring  inspection  of  the  papers  is  perfectly  satis 
factory  to  me,  indeed  my  own  did  not  preclude  it,  tho  in  guarding  against 
a  violation  of  our  own  principles  respecting  search  &c,  and  against  a 
quarrel  with  France  &  other  foreign  powers,  the  idea  did  not  occur  to  me. 
There  is  a  clear  distinction  between  the  practice  of  search,  under  the  right 
as  claimed,  &  a  call  for  the  papers,  &  I  should  suppose,  if  on  such  call 
being  made,  it  should  appear,  that  the  flag  had  been  fraudulently  assumed ; 
that  the  papers,  for  example  of  France,  could  not  be  shown  by  a  vessel 
which  had  hoisted  her  flag,  that  her  gov*.  would  be  gratified  at  her  seizure, 
it  being  done,  more  especially,  on  the  belief,  &  satisfactory  proof  that  she 
was  American.  In  the  case  of  the  Jeune  Eugene,  I  am  informed  that  her 
papers  were  French,  the  equipment,  having  been  fron  one  of  the  Islands 
of  France.  A  general  order,  to  the  effect  stated,  would  I  presume  not 
include,  that  case.  I  think  that  such  an  instruction  should  be  given,  to 
our  public  ships,  sailing  on  the  African  coast,  and  elsewhere,  to  suppress 
the  slave  trade.  What  shall  be  done  with  the  Jeune  Eugene  who  sailed 
under  the  French  flag,  &  according  to  my  recollection,  French  papers? 
Had  we  not  better  surrender  her  to  the  French  consul,  according  to  the 
request  of  the  French  Minister,  altho'  she  might  have  been  navigated  by 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.38]. 
198 


American  citizens,  and  owned  by  them  also?  He  proposes  to  send  the 
vessel  to  France  for  trial.  A  generous  &  liberal  conduct,  on  our  part,  to 
that  gov*,  in  strict  accord  with  our  principles,  might  obtain  us  their  favor, 
a  stronger  support  from  it,  &  be  useful  in  other  respects.  Communicate 
on  this  subject  with  Mr  Thompson. 

On  the  papers  from  Florida,  I  have  only  to  express  my  deep  regret. 
Your  communication  forms  a  small  part  only  of  those  which  I  received 
by  the  same  mail.  Gen1.  Jackson  has  made  his  statm1.  of  the  case,  as  has 
Mr  Fromentin,  both  couched  in  bitter  invective,  each  against  the  other. 
By  the  same  opportunity,  a  denunciation,  against  Mr  Fromentin,  by  the 
whole  bar,  is  forwarded,  with  their  protest  against  his  appointment,  as 
unworthy  of  it.  I  have  instructed  Mr.  Brent  to  show  you,  the  whole 
communication  and  to  show  it  likewise  to  the  other  members  of  the  ad 
ministration,  &  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  your  sentiments  on  the  conduct  of 
the  parties,  &  also  as  to  the  part  which  I  ought  to  take  in  it. 

My  own  idea  was,  that  under  the  law  of  the  last  Session,  for  the 
momentary  gov1.  of  Florida,  for  temporary  is  too  strong  a  term,  the  powers 
usually  exercised,  by  the  govr.  &  other  authorities  of  Spain,  were  to  be 
exercised  by  our  govr.,  and  other  authorities,  to  be  instituted  by  him,  under 
his  controul,  and  that  the  laws  relating  to  revenue,  &  the  slave  trade  only, 
were  plac'd  under  the  particular  direction  the  gov*.  of  the  U  States ;  that 
is,  that  untill  the  next  meeting  of  Congress,  and  further  provision  being 
made,  the  laws  of  Spain  were  to  govern  there,  in  all  cases,  except  in  the  two 
cases  mentioned;  or  [for  I  have  not  here,  a  copy  of  the  laws  of  last  Ses 
sion]  if  our  constitution  was  to  have  any  operation,  till  after  the  next 
session,  and  the  principles  of  our  system,  in  that  territory,  that  the  powers 
&  organization,  preexisting,  were  to  be  regarded.  This  would  give  to  the 
district  judge,  a  power  over  the  two  subjects  mentioned  only,  and  as  I 
presume,  restrain  him  from  interfering  in  other  cases,  however  improper 
the  conduct  of  others,  within  that  line  might  be. 

The  whole  proceeding  is  to  be  regretted,  &  will  I  fear  be  productive 
of  much  mischief.  I  do  not  think,  that  I  ought  to  express  any  sentiment, 
even  to  general  Jackson,  on  this  subject  in  the  present  stage,  for  reasons 
which  I  will  give  you  hereafter.  Nor  do  I  wish,  the  sentiment  which  I 
have  expressed  above,  to  be  mentioned  to  any  one,  I  mean  as  to  the  nature 
of  his  powers,  and  the  limitation  of  those  of  the  judges.  You  will  form 
your  opinion  on  the  subject,  from  a  view  of  the  law,  &  the  construction 
given  of  it,  by  the  Executive  in  the  instructions  given  to  him,  the  corn- 
miss11,  to  the  judge,  the  organization  of  the  territory,  into  revenue,  judicial 
districts,  &c.  We  shall  have  to  act  on  it,  &  in  regard  to  me,  it  may  become 
a  question  of  character,  in  consideration  of  the  high  temper  of  the  general, 
tho'  always  directed  with  an  honest  zeal  to  the  public  interest,  of  the  sup 
port  which  I  have  heretofore  uniformly  given  him,  &  other  circumstances 
which  I  have  not  time  to  enter  into.  I  shall  therefore  wish  your  aid,  & 
with  that  view,  your  full  view  of  the  whole  subject,  will  be  proper  &  use 
ful,  in  prescribing  the  course  which  I  ought  to  take.  As  connected  with 
this  subject,  I  send  you  in  like  confidence  a  private  letter  to  me  from  the 


199 


general,  which  I  received  some  weeks  since,  &  to  which  I  gave  a  very 
friendly  &  approving  answer,  there  being  then  nothing  done,  essentially 
compromitting  either  the  gov*.  or  himself,  &  the  conduct  of  the  Spanish 
govr.  meriting  any  degree  of  harsh  language,  which  any  person  might 
feel  disposed  to  bestow  on  him. 

with  sincere  regard  yours 

James  Monroe1 


ELIHU  CHAUNCEY. 


Elihu  Chauncey  to  Asbury  Dickens. 

Phila  Septr  7th  1824. 
Dear  Sir, 

My  correspondents  at  New  York  deem  it  very  important  for  Mr 
Crawford's  interest  in  that  state,  that  it  should  be  known  before  the  Ist  of 
Novr,  and  sooner  if  it  can  be,  what  his  state  of  health  is  likely  to  be. 

This  information,  if  given,  should  not  be  an  anonymous  statement  in 
a  partizan  newspaper,  but  in  such  way  as  to  command  general  confidence, 
and  put  to  silence  the  unfavorable  representations  as  to  his  health  which 
his  adversaries  are  now  most  industriously  circulating  in  that  State.  An 
address  from  some  public  body,  with,  or  without,  his  answer,  might  be 
satisfactory. 

Should  Mr  Crawford  fail  to  obtain  the  vote  of  New  York  it  will  be 
owing  to  a  prevailing  fear  that  disease  has  so  impaired  his  constitution  as 
not  to  leave  a  reasonable  hope  that  he  can  properly  discharge  the  Execu 
tive  duties ;  and  his  friends  must  now  use  whatever  means  the  actual  state 
of  his  health  will  justify,  to  dispel  this  fear. 

I  shall  be  gratified  to  receive  any  communication  you  shall  make  to 
me  on  this  or  any  other  subject.  To  our  former  intimacy  &  friendship 
my  mind  often  recurs  with  pleasing  recollections. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  very  respectfully, 
Your  friend  &  ob4  S* 

Elihu  Chauncey.2 
Mr  A.  Dickens, 

City  of  Washington. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.54]. 
3  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.67]. 


LEVI  WOODBURY. 


Levi  Woodbury  to  William  Plumer. 

Washington  City.  Ap.  23.  1826 — 
Dear  Sir, 

I  can  give  you  nothing  very  new  in  reply  to  yours  of  the  5th  —  As  to 
the  Panama  mission,  about  which  you  appear  to  feel  a  strong  interest  —  the 
resolution  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  that  the  mission  was  expedient,  has  been  rejected  by  a  large 
majority —  The  facts  were  these  —  It  was  first  amended  much  in  the 
manner  proposed  by  Mr.  McLane,  confining  the  mission  to  mere  attend 
ance  —  without  any  pledge  or  even  power  to  negotiate  on  certain  subjects 
&c.  &c.  as  you  have  doubtless  read  in  the  newspapers — On  this  proposed 
amendment  has  been  all  the  debate  and  the  consideration  of  the  correct 
ness  of  the  mission  as  at  first  recommended  —  This  amendment  prevailed 
by  a  majority  of  4  — 

Many  of  the  friends  of  the  mission  then  joined  with  those  opposed  to 
it  in  to  to  —  &  rejected  the  resolution.  After  the  expression  of  opinion  on 
the  amendment  —  those  opposed  to  the  mission,  except  sub  modof  joined 
with  those  friendly  to  it  in  every  view  and  the  Appropriation  Bill  passed 
that  House  with  little  opposition  — 

The  subject  is  now  again  before  the  Senate  &  will  probably  be  acted 
on  this  week  — 

I  am  not  surprised  at  much  diversity  of  opinion  on  the  points  con 
nected  with  it ;  but  a  little  astonished,  that  a  gentleman,  whose  own  motives 
in  public  life  are  so  pure  as  yours,  should  suspect  any  other  gentleman 
from  New  York  or  elsewhere  of  motives  not  equally  pure  —  If  it  was  a 
case  on  which  persons  could  not  honestly  differ,  then  some  ground  might 
exist  for  such  imputation  —  but  in  a  case  like  this,  both  the  resistance  to 
the  mission  and  the  publication  of  the  Speeches,  to  vindicate  that  resist 
ance  from  base  charges  of  "faction"  and  "unprincipled  opposition/'  were 
in  my  opinion  not  "improper"  nor  "degrading"  — 

The  Judiciary  Bill  has  passed  the  Senate  by  a  large  majority  with  only 
one  amendment,  which  is  now  before  the  other  House. 

As  to  the  adjournment  of  Congress  it  has  been  fixed  at  the  22d  of 
May  —  I  was  in  favour  of  an  earlier  day  —  but  Mr.  Daniel  Webster  &c. 
&c.  resisted  strenuously  even  this  —  on  account  of  his  Bankrupt  Bill  &c  — 

You  doubtless  have  heard  much  of  the  late  duel  between  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  and  Clay  —  What  do  you  think  of  it  ?  How  far  will  the  retention 
of  Mr.  Clay  in  the  Cabinet  after  this  be  an  approbation  of  the  duel  ? 


201 


You  take  much  interest  in  the  expenditure  of  public  money  —  and 
doubtless  have  seen  some  extracts  from  a  report  made  in  the  other  House 
a  few  weeks  since,  containing  Mr.  Adams'  expenditure  of  the  $14000 —  ap 
propriated  last  session  for  additional  furniture  to  the  President's  house  — 
It  has  been  a  subject  of  mortification  here  to  his  friends  and  must  have 
astonished  you,  I  think,  that  "a  billiard  table"  $50.  —  "billiard  balls  $6."  - 
"chess  men  $23."  &c  &c.  should  compose  a  part  of  the  articles  purchased 
by  him  with  this  public  fund  and  should  go  down  to  our  posterity  as  a  part 
of  the  furniture  for  the  President's  use  —  in  this  virtuous  stage  of  our 
country's  growth  &  history —  The  newspapers  have,  to  my  joy,  been 
very  silent  about  this  —  &  I  hope  yet,  that  some  explanation  can  be  given, 
but  none  has  been  attempted  up  to  this  time  here  — 

My  best  respects  to  your  family  and  believe  me 
Most  respectfully  Yours 
L.  Woodbury  1 
Hon.  Wm.  Plumer. 


BENJAMIN  WATERHOUSE. 


Benjamin  Waterhouse  to  John  Bailey. 

Cambridge  13th  Decr.  1826. 
Dear  Sir, 

Will  you  be  so  kind  as  to  send  me  a  printed  copy  of  the  Bill  con 
cerning  Vaccination  which  was  reported  last  winter?  By  what  you  and 
others  told  me,  it  is  a  strange  one,  confining  the  President  to  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  Superintendent  to  certain  cities,  two,  three  &  four  hundred  miles 
distant  from  the  spot  whence  the  Kine  Pock  discovery  &  practice  spread 
to  every  part  of  the  continent.  Mr  Lloyd  told  me  that  the  Bill,  which  he 
reprobated,  was  calculated  to  accomodate  a  certain  individual  in  Phila 
delphia,  and  he  took  great  pains  to  explain  it  to  Mr  Everett,  before  he  left 
Boston,  the  origin,  progress,  and  stagnation  of  the  business.  His  father 
you  know  was  an  eminent  physician.  His  idea  and  my  wish  is  to  have  the 
Bill  recommitted,  so  that  it  may  be  taken  on  large  &  liberal  principles. 

If  the  matter  should  excite  interest  equal  to  its  importance,  and  viewed 
as  Mr  Jefferson  considered  it,  and  as  one  too  high  to  be  quoted  views  it, 
I  should  do  as  he  any  many  others  wish  me  to  do.  But  if  it  should  be  on 
that  contracted  scale  of  a  thousand  dollars  salary,  which  would  hardly  pay 
the  rent  of  an  office,  with  the  needful  stationary,  &  an  assistant,  it  would 
ruin  the  establishment,  by  leading  some  unprincipled  young  man  to  re- 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.S.yi]. 
2O2 


numerate  himself  by  practices  resembling  those  of  Dr  S.'s     When  I  see 

the  Bill  I  shall  be  able  to  speak  more  clearly  on  this  subject;  —  until  I  do, 

I  can  hardly  speak  understandingly  upon  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued 

With  esteem  &  respect  I  remain  yours 

Benjn.  Waterhouse 1 


RICHARD  MENTOR  JOHNSON. 


Richard  M.  Johnson  to  Captain  P.  P.  Pitchlynn. 

City  of  Washington 

6th  Jan  1826 
My  dear  Friend. 

I  have  not  written  to  you  often  since  I  came  here  but  my  heart  &  good 
wishes  have  been  with  you.  I  have  been  overwhelmed  with  business  in 
Congress  &  out  of  Congress;  &  knowing  that  you  took  the  papers  from 
this  city  or  at  least  that  you  had  the  opportunity  to  read  them  I  was  not  so 
anxious  to  write  till  I  could  take  a  few  moments  of  Leisure  —  I  send  you  a 
letter  to  the  chief  Muskeelitubby,  —  read  it  &  let  it  be  given  to  him  &  inter 
preted  by  you  or  your  worthy  Father. 

If  you  determine  to  spend  some  time  at  my  house  with  your  family 
to  study  Law  &  some  other  Branches  we  will  make  you  as  happy  as  pos 
sible.  We  can  at  very  little  expence  have  your  wife  &  your  Sisters  taught 
music  &  we  can  make  them  happy  in  their  situation,  the  Boys  are  doing 
well :  none  have  been  sick  except  John  Adams  who  had  an  attack  of  the 
pleurisy  &  he  has  recovered  as  I  learn  from  my  last  letters,  you  know  we 
are.  all  under  the  same  superintending  providence  &  I  hope  the  Boys  will 
receive  the  Smiles  of  Heaven  while  at  my  house  —  they  shall  never  want 
for  anything  to  make  them  comfortable  &  happy. 

I  should  be  more  than  pleased  if  your  people  could  make  some  arrange 
ment  with  our  Government  to  raise  an  additional  fund  for  the  purpose  of 
keeping  about  60  boys  at  School  at  my  house  I  would  without  delay  make 
comfortable  arrangements  for  the  whole  of  them.  But  it  is  my  advice  & 
&  my  desire  that  the  schools  at  home  should  be  encouraged.  I  do  not  want 
to  injure  but  to  benefit  them.  It  is  the  best  policy  to  have  schools  in  the 
nation  &  one  great  Academy  out  of  the  nation  to  teach  some  of  your  chil 
dren  the  higher  Branches  of  Science  —  Please  present  my  respects  to  your 
worthy  Father.  As  I  write  to  you  at  this  time  perhaps  I  may  not  be  able 
to  write  to  him,  but  he  shall  not  be  neglected —  present  my  respects  to 
Col  Ward  &  make  known  my  sentiments  to  as  many  of  your  people  as  you 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscript  [Cham.C.7.78]. 

203 


find  convenient.  Let  me  hear  from  you.  Your  letter  was  published  in 
almost  all  the  papers  in  the  U.  States  &  you  have  raised  your  fame  &  char 
acter  as  a  man  of  sentiment  &  as  a  scholar 

wishing  you  every  blessing  that  this  world  can  afford  I  am  as  ever 
Sincerely  your  friend 

Rh :  M :  Johnson. 
Capt.  P.  P.  Pitchlynn. 1 


WILLIAM  HARRIS  CRAWFORD. 


William  H.  Crazvford  to  David  Bradie  Mitchell. 

Wood  Lawn  9th  July  1827. 
Dear  General, 

I  received  a  letter  by  the  last  mail  from  Major  Crawford 
that  he  had  made  an  appointment  with  you  to  pay  me  a  visit,  but  that  a 
disappointment  had  intervened.  I  pleased  to  hear  that  I  was  not  quite 
forgotten  in  the  State ;  &  can  assure  you  that  a  visit  from  you  wou'd  have 
been  highly  acceptable  to  me.  During  my  residence  at  Washington  my 
apple  &  peach  orchards  were  not  only  neglected  but  almost  destroyed. 
Since  my  return  I  have  been  endeavoring  to  resuscitate  them,  but  as  yet 
I  have  done  but  little  to  effect  that  resuscitation  When  I  paid  you  my 
last  visit  I  think  I  understood  you  to  say  that  you  had  some  of  Paces 
peaches.  If  you  have  I  will  thank  you  save  some  of  the  stones  for  me, 
&  either  bury  them  or  put  them  in  a  damp  place  or  cellar  which  I  am  told 
is  necessary  to  make  them  come  up.  I  shall  be  at  Milledgeville  at  the 
meeting  of  the  Senatus  Academicus  if  I  am  well,  &  my  present  state 
creates  a  presumption  that  it  will  be  good  in  November.  I  shou'd  be 
very  glad  to  see  you  at  Hancock  court,  where  I  shall  endeavor  at  the  time 
prescribed  by  law  for  the  court  of  that  county.  Aprospos  of  the  appoint 
ment  of  Judge  which  the  Governor  has  given  me:  I  had  great  doubts 
about  accepting  it.  Twenty  years  ago  I  shou'd  have  liked  it.  But  then 
no  vacancy  occurred  when  I  was  in  a  situation  to  accept.  And  I  had  very 
early  determined  to  have  no  office  which  was  to  be  obtained  by  turning 
out  a  political  friend.  My  first  appointment  to  the  S.  A.  may  appear  to 
form  an  exception,  but  I  suffered  my  name  to  be  held  up,  upon  that 
occasion  only  because  Mr.  Melledge  was  supposed  to  have  conceived  the 
design,  not  only  of  governing  the  State,  but  of  excluding  every  person 
from  office  who  had  not  been  born  in  the  State.  It  was  to  put  down 
*  *  *  high  pretentious  &  not  to  turn  out  Judge  Jones  that  my  name 
was  used  upon  that  occasion.  As  it  was  I  felt  some  repugnance  to  oppose 
^rom  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.66]. 

204 


Judge  Jones  whom  I  considered  a  worthy  man  &  sound  republican.  I 
gave  my  consent  only  to  convince  Mr  Melledge  of  the  extravagance  & 
folly  of  his  pretensions.  Yours  most  respectfully. 

Wm  H  Crawford  * 


GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS. 


George  M.  Dallas  to  Richard  Worsam  Meade. 

My  Dear  Sir, 

Your  business  is,  I  think,  going  on  well.  Within  a  few  weeks, 
we  shall  have  better  opportunities  ;  and  they  will  be  seiz'd.  There  is  no 
fear  of  our  having  an  adequate  subscription.  Captain  Hayes  tells  me 
that  he  is  advancing  rapidly. 

Our  election  is  engrossing  attention.  The  Democrats  move  in  solid 
column  in  favor  of  Hemphill,  and  feel  confident  of  his  success.  The 
most  active  spirits  among  the  federalists  join  them,  and  pledge  themselves 
to  give  at  least  eight  hundred  votes  for  Hemphill  —  a  number  more  than 
sufficient  to  secure  his  election.  My  own  opinion  is  that  the  race  will  be 
a  close  one,  and  that  Hemphill  will  beat  his  opponent.  The  ward  election 
of  yesterday  has  produced  this  as  a  general  impression  —  owing  to  the 
obvious  reluctance  of  the  federalists  to  oppose  Hemphill  whom  they  have 
so  often  upheld.  Our  Town-meeting  in  the  yard  may  fairly  be  estimated 
at  between  800  and  1000  :  —  the  one  held  by  the  friends  of  Hemphill  this 
afternoon  was  not  less  than  300.  Sergeant  appears  to  me  much  less  pop 
ular  with  the  federalists  than  we  thought.  The  ground  of  personal  pre 
dilection  alone  in  which  Mr.  Binney  urged  him,  has  hurt  his  cause  :  —  it 
conveyed  to  such  federalists  as  Mr  Binney  would  influence  the  distinct 
intimation  that  he  would  justify  any  man  for  opposing  Sergeant  who  was 
not  personally  devoted  him  —  for  that  he  could  not  oppose  him  politically. 

We  hope  you  will  come  here  in  October.     I  write  this  in  haste  at 
Almander's,  as  a  sort  acknowledgment  for  your  letter. 
My  best  love  to  all  your  family  — 
Truly  yrs. 

G.  M.  Dallas. 
29.  Sept.  1827.  2 


the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.7.66].  On  the  margin  is  a 
pencil  note  "Written  soon  after  his  first  attack  of  paralysis.  I  fames]  K. 
T[efft]." 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.24]. 


205 


George  M.  Dallas  to  David  Henshaw. 

My  Dear  Sir, 

We  evidently  live  in  very  different  regions,  surrounded  by 
very  different  people,  and  liable  therefore,  to  very  different  impulses. 
The  republicans  of  this  State  have  not  a  tittle  of  apprehension  as  to  the 
result  of  the  great  contest,  either  in  reference  to  Pennsylvania  or  to  the 
Union.  We  may  be  too  confident :  but  the  idea  of  losing  the  election  does 
not  seem  to  shadow  the  mind  of  a  single  man.  Success  appears  to  us 
inevitable. 

Our  sturdy  democracy  never,  within  the  recollection  of  the  oldest  was 
as  much  united  and  as  resolute,  as  at  this  moment.  Our  Legislature  has 
been  for  some  years  overwhelming  Jacksonian :  —  Our  Congressional 
delegation  equally  so;  and  every  Convention,  of  any  character  as  repre 
sentative,  absolutely  unanimous.  As  a  party,  we  have  heretofore  uni 
formly  beaten  our  adversaries :  —  why  we  are  to  be  beaten  now,  when  to 
every  appearance  we  are  tenfold  as  strong  and  as  cordial,  is  to  me  incom 
prehensible.  I  beg  you  not  to  allow  this  State  for  one  instant  to  be 
doubted.  It  is  not  fair  to  permit  the  absurd  and  desperate  assertions  of 
Binns  and  his  coadjutors  to  shake  your  confidence  in  the  stability  of  our 
democracy,  in  defiance  of  the  repeated  and  conclusive  manifestations 
which  that  democracy  has  made.  At  that  rate,  in  order  to  retain  the  con 
fidence  of  our  distant  friends,  we  should  have  to  be  meeting  and  holding 
conventions  every  day  in  the  year. 

The  appointments  of  Mr.  Adams  have,  in  no  way,  conciliated  Penn 
sylvania.  Mr.  Gallatin  is  now,  and  has  been  for  ten  years  a  man  of  his 
tory,  and  nothing  more.  His  influence  has  ceased.  Mr.  Rush  became  a 
convert  to  republican  principles,  without  having  acquired  a  particle  of 
popularity  in  the  State.  He  was  never  known  to  the  people,  Mr.  Ser 
geant  deserted  the  republican  ranks  at  their  utmost  need.  He  has  no 
popularity  out  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The  idea  of  having  soothed 
Pennsylvania  by  appointments  like  these  is  worse  than  childish.  It  be 
trays  a  pitiful  ignorance  of  the  character  and  feelings  of  our  people. 

As  to  the  Breakwater  &c.  they  are  not  concessions  from  the  Coali 
tion,  but  benefits  wrested  from  them  by  a  Jackson  Congress,  and  by  the 
agency  of  active  Jackson  representatives.  These  things  are  perfectly  well 
known  and  understood.  But  where  they  otherwise,  it  would  be  imma 
terial.  Our  democrats  —  and  with  them,  at  least  one  fifth  of  the  federal 
ists —  are  convinced  that  corruption  was  at  work  in  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adams,  and  nothing  would  bribe  them  to  endure  it. 

The  Adams  men  are  active,  and  fertile  in  defamation.  They  are 
probably  also  well  organized.  The  federal  party  of  this  State  always  was 
so.  It  is  of  the  nature  of  our's  to  submit  to  very  little  organization,  but 
to  accomplish  a  great  deal,  apparently  through  the  exercise  of  individual 
and  independent  effort.  We  are  better  organized  now  than  we  ever  were 


206 


before :  —  certainly  much  better  than  when  we  carried  Mr.  Shulze  through 
one  of  the  most  heated  contests,  and  amid  all  sorts  of  party  distraction, 
by  a  majority  approaching  30,00x3. 

It  is  true  that  our  vote  may  be  estimated  at  about  120.000:  —  and 
that  General  Jackson  did  not  get  more  that  y$  of  this  vote,  four  years  ago. 
He  got,  however,  three  to  one  against  all  his  competitors.  The  mass  were 
unmoved,  because  the  result  was  too  obvious  to  admit  of  a  doubt :  —  nor 
had  they  been  exasperated  by  their  opponents  into  a  desire  for  extraordi 
nary  triumph.  Had  the  party  turned  out,  we  should  have  obtained  at 
least  90.000,  out  of  the  120.000.  This  was  made  obvious  by  the  political 
character  of  the  Legislature. 

There  is  at  present  no  bound  to  the  majority  upon  which  we  may 
fairly  calculate.  I  do  not,  honestly,  think  that  Mr.  Adams  can  obtain 
40.000  votes  in  Pennsylvania.  If  he  gets  35.000,  I  shall  be  surprised. 
The  rest  of  the  voters,  the  balance  of  the  120.000,  will  be  unanimously  for 
Jackson.  If  more  turn  out,  we  may  both  be  proportionably  reduced :  — 
but,  under  any  circumstances,  I  confidently  anticipate  a  majority  exceed 
ing  forty  thousand.  Many  skilful  and  practiced  politicians  go  beyond  me. 

I  have  thus  hastily  answered  your  letter.  Had  I  a  little  more  leisure, 
I  would  cheerfully,  for  your  satisfaction,  go  more  into  detail:  —  and  I 
think  I  should  shew  you  that,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  City  of 
Philadelphia,  not  a  Congressional  District  of  Penna.  would,  this  fall,  elect 
an  Adams  man.  If  the  time  enables  you  to  do  it,  it  might  be  beneficial  for 
you  to  note  the  election  of  our  members  of  Congress,  to  take  place  at  our 
general  election  in  October  next:  they  will  develope,  in  a  great  degree, 
the  character  of  the  election  which  is  to  follow  three  weeks  after. 

I  do  not  look  upon  the  Louisiana  &  Kentucky  elections  in  the  light  in 
which  our  opponents  would  fain  place  them.  They  are  ,to  me,  full  of 
conclusive  evidences  that  their  electoral  votes  would  at  this  moment  be 
given  to  Jackson.  Let  us,  however,  remember,  that  we  zvant  neither  of 
them. 

Truly  &  resp.  Yrs. 

G.  M.  Dallas. 
28.  Aug.  1828. * 


HENRY    CLAY. 


Henry  Clay  to  Col.  Davidson. 

Washington,  24.  Decr.  1827. 
Dear  Col. 

Mr.  Crittenden  and  my  brother  have  both  reminded  me  of  a 
conversation  which  I  had  with  you,  in  the  Fall  1824,  prior  to  my  depar 
ture  from  Kentucky  to  attend  Congress  in  this  City,  on  the  subject  of  the 
the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.23]. 

207 


pending  Presidential  election,  in  the  course  of  which  I  avowed  to  you  my 
decided  preference  for  Mr.  Adams  over  Gen1  Jackson,  and  expressed  my 
determination,  in  the  event  of  my  being  called  upon  to  choose  between 
them,  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams.  The  particulars  of  this  conversation  had 
escaped  me,  but  from  my  friendship  and  intimacy  with  you,  there  is  no 
man  with  whom  it  is  much  more  likely  that  I  should  have  conversed  on 
such  a  subject,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  I  did.  Will  you  do  me  the  favor 
to  transmit  me  a  written  statement  of  what  passed  between  us  on  that 
subject,  according  to  the  best  of  your  recollection? 

Your  faithful  friend 

H  Clay  1 
Col.  Davidson. 


Henry  Clay  to  William  Plumer,  Jr. 

Washington  23  Feb.  1829 
My  dear  Sir 

Your  favor  of  the  26  July  last  was  received  by  me  in  Ken 
tucky,  amidst  popular  movements  which  left  me  no  leisure,  and  which  I 
believe  prevented  my  acknowledgment  of  it.  I  received  at  the  same  time 
and  perused,  with  much  satisfaction,  the  address  which  accompanied  it. 
I  had  also  received  the  news  paper  containing  your  answer  to  an  attempt 
to  prove  by  your  declarations  the  corruption  imputed  to  Mr.  Adams  and 
me.  For  all  these  instances  of  kind  attention  I  pray  your  acceptance  of 
my  sincere  thanks. 

Since  the  date  of  your  letter  events  have  gone  very  adversely  to  our 
hopes  and  to  the  cause  of  human  freedom.  Speculation  upon  their  sources 
is  useless,  except  in  so  far  as  it  may  enlighten  the  future.  I  have  been 
unable  to  view  the  election  of  Gen1.  Jackson,  under  any  aspect  whatever, 
without  awful  apprehensions.  Still,  we  have  yet  our  liberty.  And  it 
should  be  our  aim,  by  the  exertion  of  all  our  energies,  to  preserve  it,  and 
to  destroy  the  pernicious  influence  of  the  example  which  a  majority  of  our 
countrymen  have  passionately  and  thoughtlessly  established.  For  my 
self  I  desire  life  no  longer  than  I  possess  liberty. 

We  are  beginning  already  here  to  witness  some  of  the  consequences 
of  this  fatal  election,  in  the  motley  host  of  greedy  expectants  by  whom  the 
Gen1  is  environed ;  in  the  vulgar,  audacious  and  proscribing  tone  o£  the 
official  paper  of  the  new  administration;  and  in  the  composition  of  the 
new  Cabinet  which  may  be  considered  as  almost  officially  announced  — 
V.  Buren,  Ingham,  Eaton,  and  Branch  the  four  Secretaries,  in  the  order 
in  which  the  departments  are  usually  ranked. 

I  do  not  think  that  the  present  state  of  things  can  last  long.  Our 
friends,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  are  firm  in  their  resolutions  and  stedfast  in 
their  principles.  If  they  remain  so,  a  change  must  be  effected.  Much 
depends  on  New  England.  And  we  are  accordingly  looking  with  deep 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.7]. 
208 


interest  to  the  approaching  Election  in  your  State,  which  is  considered  as 
the  most  doubtful  of  that  section. 

I  shall  return  to  my  farm  in  Kentucky  shortly  after  the  4th.  of  March. 
I  reserve  for  tranquil  consideration  there  the  question  whether  I  shall 
offer  for  a  seat  in  the  H.  of  R. 

I  pray  you  to  communicate  my  best  regards  to  your  venerable  father 
and  to  be  assured  that  they  are  constantly  entertained  for  yourself  by 

Your  faithful  ob.  Serv* 

H.  Clay 
Wm.  Plumer  Jr.  Esq x 


JOHN    CHANDLER. 


John  Chandler  to  David  Henshaw. 

Washington  27  Decr.  1828. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  favor  of  the  2Oth  instant.  I 
agree  fully  with  you  as  to  the  course  of  policy  which  ought  to  be  pursued 
by  the  Democratic  party,  I  never  have  been  one  of  those  who  were  for 
buying  off  our  opponents  by  giving  them  the  offices  which  were  justly 
due  to  those  Republicans  who  had  bourn  the  heat  and  burthen  of  the  day. 
it  is  a  policy  which  will  down  any  cause.  But  it  will  be  very  difficult  to 
resist  nominations  to  the  Senate,  without  being  able  to  shew  some  Cause, 
especially  where  both  Senators  from  a  State  are  in  favor  of  the  nomina 
tion.  G.  Blakes  renomination  will  require  some  reasons  to  be  assigned 
to  be  able  to  keep  it  off  for  a  time,  &  the  sooner  any  evidence  of  improper 
conduct  is  forwarded  the  better,  and  so  in  every  case  which  may  come  up, 
so  far  as  I  have  it  in  my  power  to  be  usefull  to  our  Republican  friends  in 
Masachusetts,  I  shall  do  it  with  pleasure,  Judge  prebble  &  Gov.  King 
will  be  with  you  in  a  day  or  two  after  receiving  this,  and  they  will  be  able 
to  give  you  a  full  account  of  what  is  doing  here,  it  will  be  well  to  forward 
such  objections  as  you  can  offer  to  G.  B.  as  soon  as  possible. 

We  have  no  news  to  give  you,  other  than  what  you  see  in  the  papers 
of  the  day,    I  will  write  you  again  shortly. 

Your  Humble  Servt 

John  Chandler 
Hon.  David  Henshaw. 2 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.8.26]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.io.ys]. 


209 


ANDREW   STEVENSON. 


Andrew  Stevenson  to  David  Henshaw. 

Richmond  Octor.  24th  28. 
Dear  Sir, 

Some  time  ago  one  of  yr  Journals  stated  that  I  had  declared  at  a 
dinner  at  Shrewsbury  in  company  with  Major  Eaton  &  others  that  the 
Electoral  Law  of  N.  York  woud  be  altered  &  that  V.  Buren  was  as  busy 
amongst  the  members  of  the  Legislature  as  a  Hay  maker  &c.  I  saw 
General  Green  as  I  passed  through  Washgn  &  gave  it  the  lie.  I  see  by 
the  Boston  Journal  of  this  day  week,  that  the  story  is  revived,  &  they  now 
take  the  whole  range  of  the  State,  &  fire  up  the  name's  of  Stone  &  Ward. 
I  never  was  in  Shrewsbury,  nor  did  I  see  either  Stone  or  Ward  whilst  in 
Mastts,  that  I  know  of.  What  can  it  mean ;  &  how  could  such  a  tale  get 
in  circulation.  I  will  thank  you  as  a  friend,  to  probe  this  matter  &  advise 
me  of  the  result !  Who  is  Mr.  Ward  &  when  &  where  is  it  pretended  tht 
he  heard  me  use  the  imputed  declaration?  Eaton  was  not  with  me  in 
Mastts,  &  I  have  not  the  slightest  recollection  of  speaking  about  the  Elec 
toral  Law  of  N.  Y.  except  at  Dunlops  &  yr.  table,  &  then  to  say  tht  it  would 
not  be  changed !  I  am  really  anxious  to  learn  the  history  of  this  strange 
charge !  Do  let  me  hear  from  you  at  an  early  date !  The  vote  of  Va  will 
be  overwhelming  for  J.  &  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  he  gets  the  whole 
Western  vote !  The  victory  is  sure  &  the  Coy.  safe. 

Very  truly  yr.  fd.  &  obt  Ser1. 
D.  Henshaw  esqr.  A.  Stevenson  * 


Andrew  Stevenson  to  George  Ticknor. 

32  Upper  Grosvenor  St. 

London  Novr  i8th  '40 
Dear  Sir, 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  yesterday  yr  letter  of  the  27  :  of 
October,  with  the  one  inclosed  for  Mr  Vail,  from  Mr  Prescott.  I  put  it 
immediately  under  cover,  &  had  it  delivered  at  the  Foreign  Office,  to  be 
forwarded  with  their  next  Dispatches  to  Madrid.  Through  the  kindness 


the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.59]. 
210 


of  Lord  Palmerston,  I  am  enabled  to  get  my  letters  safely  transmitted 
abroad.  The  Post  Offices  on  the  Continent  as  you  are  doubtless  apprised, 
are  wretchedly  managed.  In  G*  Britain  &  France  they  have  a  better  sys 
tem.  Pray  say  to  Mr  Prescott,  that  I  shall  take  the  greatest  pleasure  in 
rendering  him  here  any  service  in  my  power,  in  the  prosecution  of  his 
literary  pursuits.  I  heard  from  Mr  Sparks  some  weeks  ago,  that  Mr  P. 
was  engaged  in  another  work  connected  with  Spanish  History.  I  hope  it 
may  prove  worthy  of  himself,  &  be  as  successful  as  his  F.  &  Isabella,  of 
the  great  merit  of  which,  there  seems  to  be  but  one  opinion.  The  author 
of  such  a  Work,  is  well  qualified  to  follow  it  up  with  the  history  of  Spain. 
I  hope  Mr  P.  will  have  health  to  accomplish  it.  — 

I  am  not  surprised  at  wht  you  tell  me  of  the  violence  of  Parties,  in  the 
U  States.  We  at  a  distance,  can  hardly  realise  such  a  state  of  things. 
They  are  indeed  terrible  &  afflictive,  &  augur  no  good  to  our  institutions. 
I  shall  not  be  surprised  at  any  result  of  the  pending  contest.  In  any  event, 
I  shall  return  home  very  shortly,  in  self  defence.  We  are  anxious  to  do 
so,  as  you  may  suppose.  —  Indeed,  with  one  exception  I  have  been  longer 
at  this  Court,  than  any  of  our  ministers.  I  have  been  influenced  in  re 
maining  longer  than  I  had  intended,  by  a  desire  to  settle  the  Boundary 
question,  which  I  was  desirous  of  doing  —  As  it  is  now  in  a  fair  way  of 
being  again  referred  I  shall  not  remain,  unless  something  unexpectedly 
turns  up,  to  make  it  proper  for  me  to  do  so  —  We  have  however  had  a 
delightful  time  during  our  residence  here,  &  shall  leave  a  numerous  circle 
of  friends  who  have  showered  on  us  kindnesses  &  attentions  as  unex 
pected  as  they  have  been  gratifying.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  so. 
It  is  not  improbable  tht  we  may  return  in  one  of  yr  Boston  Steamers,  as 
we  hear  they  are  fine  sea  vessels.  You  have  seen  no  doubt  our  friend 
General  Cass's  Book  on  the  French  Court  &  King.  Do  you  remember  the 
anecdote  you  told  us  of  Louis  Philippe  &  Guizot  the  day  we  dined  on  the 
Rue  Rivoli,  with  Ludlow?  I  promised  you  to  get  it  out  of  the  King,  & 
did  so,  which  Gen1  C.  has  appropriated  to  himself ;  &  not  in  the  best  man 
ner.  He  seems  to  have  taken  it  for  granted,  [as  I  have  written  to  him] 
tht  I  did  not  intend  writing  a  Book!  In  this  he  may  be  quite  right,  but  it 
did  not  follow,  that  I  did  not  intend  to  give  some  account  of  my  visit  to 
Paris,  and  my  interviews  &  conversations  with  Louis  Philippe.  Of  course 
this  anecdote  with  others  I  should  have  used.  He  has  excused  himself  by 
telling  me  very  civilly  that  'it  was  the  best  thing  in  his  Book/  His  abuse 
of  the  English  was  uncalled  for  &  injudicious.  He  had  better  have  left 
Captain  Maryatt  in  possession  of  the  field!  Genl  Cass  I  hear,  is  about 
publishing  another  Book.  What  a  deal  of  comfortable  leisure  he  must 
have.  No  wonder  he  likes  Paris.  —  We  shall  have  no  war  between  Eng 
land  &  France  for  the  present.  Louis  Philippe  is  bent  on  Peace,  &  nothing 
short  of  abdication,  or  revolution,  can  drive  him  to  war.  If  France  would 
determine  to  interpose  between  the  Sultan  &  Mehemit  &  preserve  Egypt, 
the  Parties  to  the  alliance  of  July  would  no  doubt  follow  suit.  There 
would  then  be  Peace.  An  offer  to  mediate  would  be  judicious  I  think,  & 
is  not  improbable.  I  have  great  confidence  in  Guizot  &  am  quite  sure 
tht  he  sincerely  desires  Peace.  I  shall  look  with  interest  for  the  debate 

211 


on  the  Address.  His  expose  will  be  manly,  &  straightforward.  He  thinks 
they  treated  France  unceremoniously  I  know,  but  yet  not  in  a  way  to  insult. 
Tht  there  was  no  such  intention,  on  the  part  of  the  other  Powers.  This 
you  may  rely  on  —  But  nous  verrons.  —  Mrs.  Stevenson  unites  in  kindest 
remembrances  to  Mrs  Ticknor  &  yourself,  and  believe  me  my  dear  Sir, 
very  respectfully  &  truly, 

Yr  friend  &  ob*  ser'* 

A:  Stevenson 
Geo :  Ticknor  Esqr  x 


AMOS    KENDALL. 

Amos  Kendall  to  David  Henshaw. 

Washington    Dec  i8th     1829 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  kind  letter  of  the  14th  inst.  approving  of  my  Report  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  has  been  read  with  great  pleasure.  To  receive 
your  approbation,  though  flattering  to  my.  self-love,  does  not  afford  me 
half  the  satisfaction  which  I  feel  in  your  concurrence  with  my  principles. 
In  our  country  as  well  as  others,  government  has  been  made  an  art  and 
mystery.  The  people  are  taught  that  few  are  qualified  to  govern,  and 
that  a  long  apprenticeship  must  be  served  before  men  are  competent  to 
fill  the  higher  stations.  To  understand  the  art  of  mystifying  and  cheating 
the  people  and  keeping  them  in  ignorance  of  the  true  condition  of  public 
affairs,  does  indeed  require  some  study  and  skill.  But  what  is,  or  rather 
what  ought  to  be,  the  business  of  government  other  than  that  of  private 
life  on  a  more  enlarged  scale?  Why  cannot  the  government  make  its 
bargains  and  pay  its  officer  in  clefinite  and  fixed  sums  as  well  as  private 
citizens?  Why  cannot  the  public  accounts  be  kept  in  as  plain  and  intel 
ligible  a  manner  as  those  of  a  merchant?  In  all  the  affairs  of  govern 
ment,  integrity,  common  sense  and  some  knowledge  of  the  world,  are 
really  the  most  essential  qualifications.  Endowed  with  these,  a  man  of 
common  industry  may  fifl  the  highest  offices  in  the  republic  with  more 
benefit  to  the  people  than  profound  scholars  or  eloquent  orators. 

I  knew  little  of  government  when  I  came  here,  except  in  theory.  I 
had  little  conception,  that  our  system  had  in  it,  practically,  such  a  mass  of 
fraud  and  imposition.  The  ends  accomplished  in  other  countries  by  force 
or  corruption,  have  been  compassed  here  by  deception.  The  people  have 
not  been  intimidated  by  the  bayonet,  nor  their  agents,  to  any  great  extent, 

1From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.S.so]. 
212 


corrupted ;  but  by  concealment  and  falsehood  they  have  been  hoodwinked 
and  plundered.  I  have  done  and  will  do  all  I  can  to  remove  the  bandage 
and  let  them  see  all  the  machinery  of  their  government.  If  a  few  knaves 
who  cannot  bear  the  light  of  day  shining  upon  their  dark  deeds,  wince 
and  abuse  me,  I  rest  confident  of  the  approbation  of  the  people  and  of  the 
man  whom  they  have  delighted  to  honor. 

It  would  give  me  heartfelt  pleasure  to  see  my  native  state  regenerated. 
There  is  not  a  more  honest  people  on  earth  than  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts.  To  abandon  the  coalition  and  go  with  us  heart  and  hand  in  the 
reformation  of  our  government,  they  need  only  to  know  the  truth.  I  hope 
it  will  not  be  impossible  to  overcome  their  prejudices  and  enable  them  to 
see  things  as  they  are. 

Accept  for  yourself  and  your  democratic  associates  in  Boston  the 
homage  of  my  sincere  respect. 

Your  friend, 

Amos  Kendall  * 


Card  from  Amos  Kendall. 

Washington  Oct.  22d  1856 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Pennsylvania^. 

I  understand  that  my  name  has  been  published  in  some  of  the  interior 
papers  of  your  State  as  one  of  General  Jackson's  old  friends  who  are  now 
supporting  Col.  Fremont.  If  so,  it  is  a  preposterous  fabrication.  With 
out  judging  the  motives  of  others,  I  have  to  say  for  myself,  that  I  could 
not  support  Col.  Fremont  without  the  guilt  of  treason  upon  my  conscience. 
In  my  estimation,  his  election  upon  the  platform  of  his  supporters,  would 
be  a  long  stride  towards  the  destruction  of  our  government.  And  let 
others  say  what  they  will,  I  have  no  more  doubt  than  I  have  of  my  own 
existence,  that  if  the  Old  Hero,  whose  motto  was  "The  Federal  Union. 
IT  MUST  BE  PRESERVED/'  were  now  living,  he  would,  with  all  the  zeal  of  his 
ardent  nature,  support  the  nominees  of  the  Democratic  Party,  "Buchanan 
and  Breckinridge" 

Amos  Kendall  2 


the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.45]. 
2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.46]. 


213 


JOHN  MILTON  NILES. 


John  M.  Niles  to  David  Henshaw. 

Post  office  Hartford 

Feb  22*  '30 
Dear  Sir 

Your  Letter  of  the  I5th  Inst.  was  duly  recd:  and  permit  me  to 
assure  you  that  you  have  no  occasion  for  any  apology  for  addressing  me 
on  the  subject  of  your  letter  or  any  other  connected  with  the  interests  of 
the  democracy  of  New  England.  I  rejoice  to  see  that  the  "Spartan  Band" 
in  old  Massachusetts,  has  again  taken  the  field,  &  resolved  to  contend 
manfully  for  the  true  faith,  once  (in  1800)  delivered  to  the  saints. 

We  are  also  attempting  to  rally  &  bring  to  the  charge,  the  democratic 
forces,  which  remain  in  this  state  ;  but  without  having  suffered  a  defeat, 
they  have  been  broken  up,  disbanded  &  scattered  by  bribery,  defection, 
desertion  and  amalgamation  —  We  have  committed  two  capital  errors  ;  we 
first  attempted  to  unite  with  the  Jackson  federalists;  but  was  obliged  to 
abandon  that  scheme  ;  &  last  Spring  we  attempted  a  union  with  the  Adams 
republicans  &  now  perceive  that  this  project  is  likely  to  have  no  more 
favourable  operation  than  the  other.  We  now  conclude  that  it  is  not  only 
the  most  consistant,  but  the  most  expedient  course  to  stand  upon  our  own 
principles  &  fight  it  out. 

Subjoined  is  the  information  which  you  sought  regarding  the  ex 
penditures  of  this  State,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  on  the  3  Ist  March  1829  : 

For  the  General  Assembly,  $13484 

Judicial  expences  23.209 

Paupers  (state,  &  not  including  those 

chargable  on  the  towns)  2.201 

State  Prison,  2.201 

Contingent,  8.830 


That  year  there  was  a  grant  towards 

erecting  a  State  house  in  N  Haven 

which  of  course  is  no  part  of  current 

or  ordinary  expenditures,  of  that  was  paid  9.204 

For  the  support  of  our  primary  schools, 

the  following  sum  was  paid  the 

same  year  -  72.164 

But  this  is  derived  from  the  interest  of 


214 


the  school  fund,  &  is  entirely  distinct 

from  the  ordinary  financial  concerns  of  the  state 

This  fund  as  this  time  amounts  to  $1.882.252 

principally  secured  by  Bonds  & 
Mortgages 

The  state  also  possesses  a  permanent  fund  distinct  from  the  school 
fund,  invested  principally  in  stock,  of  our  Banks  which  amounts  nom 
inally  to  $435.102  of  this  however  $35.40x3  is  in  stock  of  Eagle  Bank  &  of 
no  value  at  all,  and  $55.302  is  in  U.  S.  3  per  cent  stock,  the  value  of  which 
you  know  much  better  than  I  do. 

I  am  very  respectfully 
your  ob.  svt. 

John  M.  Niles.1 


DANIEL    WEBSTER. 


Daniel  Webster  to  William  Plumer,  Jr. 

Washington  April  24.  1830 
Dear  Sir 

I  thank  you  for  your  kind  letter  of  the  27  April.  If  my  speech 
has  done,  or  shall  do,  the  slightest  good,  I  shall  be  sufficiently  gratified. 
It  was,  in  the  strictest  sense,  unexpected,  &  occasional;  yet  I  am  willing 
to  confess,  that  having  the  occasion  thus  forced  upon  me,  I  did  the  best  I 
could,  under  its  pressure.  The  subject  &  the  times  have  given  it  a  degree 
of  circulation,  to  which  its  own  merits  could  not  have  entitled  it.  Con 
nected  with  this  subject,  one  good  thing  —  excellent,  &  most  important  — 
will  ere  long  be  made  known.  At  present,  it  is  locked  up  in  confidence. 
All  I  can  say  is,  &  I  wd.  not  have  that  repeated,  except  perhaps  to  yr  father, 
that  the  world  will  one  day  —  perhaps  not  a  distant  one  —  know  Mr 
Madison's  sentiments  on  these  constitutional  questions,  fully  &  precisely; 
together  with  his  understanding  of  the  Va.  Resolutions  of  1797-8. 

It  will  be  an  important  paper. 

It  is  now  thought,  that  pains  are  taking  to  sound  the  Senate,  with  a 
view  to  ascertaining  the  expediency  of  a  renomination  of  Isaac  Hill.  No 
doubt,  a  great  effort  will  be  made.  I  hope,  not  with  success.  I  never 
shall  believe  he  can  either  get  thro3  the  Senate,  or  get  into  it,  till  I  see  it. 

It  is  difficult  to  get  copies  of  the  Executive  Journal,  I  have  obtained 
one,  this  session,  for  Mr.  Kent.  If  possible,  I  will  hunt  up  another  set 
for  you ;  but  if  not  this  year,  have  little  doubt  I  can  do  it  next.  If  I  can 
get  it,  will  see  it  sent,  in  a  safe  manner.  — 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.S.yo]. 

215 


It  seems  now  to  be  understood  that  the  actual  Incumbent  of  the  Presi 
dency  intends  to  stand  for  a  re  election.  This  disappoints  more  than  one. 
If  that  should  not  happen,  I  hesitate  not  to  say  I  think  Mr.  Clay's 
chance  much  the  best.  He  is  evidently  gaining,  in  the  west  &  among  the 
political  men  here.  What  will  be  advisable,  if  Genl.  J.  should  be  again 
candate,  cannot  now  be  decided. 

I  shall  be  happy  to  hear  from  you,  as  often  as  you  will  confer  that 
favor.  Have  the  goodness  to  present  my  regards  to  your  father,  &  believe 
me,  with  most  sincere  respect, 

Yrs 

Dan1  Webster 
HonWmPlumer  jr. 

Epping  N.  H.  * 


Daniel  Webster  to  Theophilus  Parsons. 

Washington  Jan.  2.  1840. 
My  Dear  Sir 

I  doubt  whether  I  can  give  you  any  useful  advice,  touching 
the  conduct  of  the  Daily.  It  is  a  very  respectable  print,  conducted  with 
judgment  &  intelligence.  Mr.  Hale  does  not  love  political  strife,  nor  is  he 
willing  to  undertake  to  give  a  lead  to  political  opinion.  He  does  not  think 
much  of  us  here,  &  therefore  does  not,  I  think,  give  great  room  for  Con 
gress  proceedings. 

I  wish  he  had  more  disposition  to  seize  on  great  national  questions, 
discuss  them,  in  all  their  forms,  and  awaken  a  livelier  interest  in  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Gen1.  Gov*. 

You  are  undoubtedly  right,  in  supposing  that  the  finance  question  has 
been  the  leading  cause  of  the  Revolution.  Why,  then,  should  not  the  press 
keep  the  thoughts  of  men  turned  to  that  subject?  Why,  for  example, 
should  not  the  Editor  of  the  Daily  dissect  the  Message,  &  the  Secretarys 
Report,  exposing  errors  &  enforcing  necessary  truths?  Why  should  not 
the  necessity  of  doing  something  for  the  currency,  be  every  day  urged 
upon  the  People  ?  Why  should  not  the  people  of  New  England  be  shown 
what  the  condition  of  their  manufactures  must  now  shortly  be,  by  the  near 
approach  of  the  penult,  &  indeed  ere  long  of  the  last  great  reduction  of 
duties?  Why  should  not  the  Press  raise  a  voice  ag*  the  miserable  policy 
of  letting  in  free  such  enormous  amounts  of  foreign  luxuries  ?  In  short, 
My  Dear  Sir,  if  a  paper  is  intended  to  be  a  mere  chronicle,  —  that  is  one 
thing,  but  if  it  be  meant  to  perform  a  political  part,  it  must  have  discus 
sion,  spirited  paragraphs,  &  the  power,  &  habit,  of  presenting  great  truths 
in  a  variety  of  form.  In  a  single  discourse,  repetition  is  in  bad  taste.  But 
the  press  cannot  be  effective  without  much  of  it.  It  must  renew,  today, 
the  arguments  of  yesterday,  &  thus  hold  up,  constantly,  the  truths,  which 

'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.8]. 
216 


it  wishes  to  impress  on  the  public  mind.    Well  conducted  efforts  of  this 
kind  can  alone  constitute  what  we  call  a  vigorous  Press. 

I  will  endeavor  to  send  you  the  Documents,  &  should  be  most  ready 
to  give  you  any  hints,  which  might  be  thought  useful. 

Congress  is  rather  inert.    A  degree  of  lassitude  seems  to  have  fol 
lowed  the  excitement  of  last  session,  &  the  summer  &  autumn. 

I  shall  be  content  with  whomsoever  you  send  me  for  a  Colleague,  as 
I  am  sure  he  will  be  some  good  man. 

Yrs  truly 
Danl  Webster 
Mr  Parsons * 


WILLIAM    BAINBRIDGE. 


Letter  of  Commodore  William  Bainbridge  to  General  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn. 

Philada  I3h.  of  March  1831 
My  dear  General. 

Little  did  I  think  this  day  week  that  I  should  have  recvd 
from  the  Sey  of  the  Navy  —  the  following  Letter  —  Viz. 

"Navy  Department  nh.  of  March  1831 

"Sir,  Como.  L.  Warrington  having  been  this  day  appointed  to  the  Com 
mand  of  the  Navy  yard  at  Philada.  you  will  consider  yourself  detached 
from  that  Station.  And  will  await  the  further  orders  of  the  Depart 
ment."  Why  or  from  whence  this  order  proceeds  I  know  not  beyond 
Conjecture  —  And  the  Basis  of  the  Conjecture  is  as  follows — 

Myself  the  presiding  officer  of  a  very  Arduous  Court  Martial 
Cap'ts  Read  &  Conner  members  from  this  City  sent  in  a  claim  for  per 
diem  allowance  and  which  had  been  uniformly  granted  heretofore  —  and 
had  been  also  allowed  last  Winter  under  the  "Heaven  Born"  at  Wash 
ington.  As  the  Government  has  not  condesended  to  inform  me  of  the 
Cause  or  reason  of  my  removal  —  I  can  only  conjecture  it  to  be  in  sup 
porting  the  claim  of  a  paltry  sum  say  about  100  Dollars  —  which  Amos 
Kendall,  Clerk  in  the  Treasury  Dept,  had  decided  against  without  right 
whatever  to  decide  on  it.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  Secy  • — 
which  is  the  only  Basis  I  can  conceive  of  his  dismissing  me  from  my 
Command,  in  that  my  respect  (and  respect  I  never  intend  to  pay)  was 
not  in  as  good  odour  as  Amos  might  wish  —  N'importe  mon  Ami.  the 
World  is  sufficiently  wide  for  all  Beings  in  it.  For  God  never  made 
anything  in  Vain!!!  The  Emoluments  of  the  Navy  yard,  I  hurl  with 
the  Straws  of  the  Wind  —  And  I  trust  my  reputation  is  safe  in  the  hands 

1From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.g.So]. 

217 


of  my  Countrymen.  I  am  well  known  as  an  officer  and  a  man  in  your 
section  of  our  Country.  They  have  seen  me  there  in  Peace  &  in  War 
I  give  you  my  dear  General  this  early  information  —  which  is  of  very 
little  importance  to  the  good  people  near  you  —  except  so  far  as  their 
good  feelings  are  concerned  in  the  Reputation  of  an  officer  whom  they 
have  honored  with  their  Legislative  and  Individual  Approbation  —  Ex 
cuse  this  almost  unintelligible  scroll  for  you  cannot  suppose  I  feel  quite  as 
amiable  as  a  young  Bride.  Give  my  love  to  your  wife  Yr  affect  friend 

Wm.  Bainb ridge 
To  Gen1.  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn  Boston  * 


SILAS    WRIGHT. 


Silas  Wright,  Jr.,  to  Edwin  Croswell. 

Senate  Chamber 
Monday  4  Oclk.  Dec  16,  1833 
My  dear  Sir, 

We  are  yet  sitting,  balloting  for  committees  and  cannot  ad 
journ.  We  must  therefore  I  suppose  Complete  the  ballot.  I  will  send 
you  a  list  by  the  mail  to-night  if  I  can,  but  you  may  know,  in  any  event, 
that  our  friends  are  named  enough,  but  named  in  all  cases  by  the  opposi 
tion  votes  and  therefore  when  the  opposition  desire. 

By  the  list  you  will  see  that  the  Finance,  Public  Lands,  Judiciary, 
Naval  Affairs,  are  the  subjects  of  principal  anxiety,  and  the  members  of 
those  committees  will  exhibit  the  perfect  drill  of  the  coalition.  Private 
Land  claims,  Post  Office  &  Post  Roads,  and  some  others  are  committees 
not  yet  filled  up  and  where  some  contest  will  be  had.  But  1/4  past  4  we 
have  adjourned.  The  list  I  will  give  you  Tomorrow. 

I  can  only  add  that  the  V.  P.  took  his  seat  to-day,  that  he  made  a 
speech,  that  our  friend  I.  J.  Mumford  is  here  and  has  handed  me  a  flourish 
of  trumpets  as  to  the  speech  which  I  enclose,  and  the  copy  of  the  speech 
refered  to  will  be  in  the  Globe  which  goes  by  the  same  mail  and  if  you  do 
not  get  it  you  must  hold  the  flourish  till  the  speech  comes.  I  can  say  no 
more  now,  but  as  I  am  to  be  very  much  discharged  from  committee  labour 
by  this  election  I  hope  to  be  a  more  faithful  correspondent  by  and  bye, 
and  personally  I  rejoice  at  the  results,  though,  in  a  national  sense,  they 
are  bad  enough.  Look  at  the  committee  on  Finance,  the  ways  &  means 
of  this  body. 

Most  truly  Yours 

Silas  Wright  Jr. 
E.  Croswell  Esq  * 

1From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts   [Cham.C.io.49]. 
'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.6i]. 

218 


Silas  Wright,  Jr.  to  William  L.  Marcy. 

Senate  Chamber 
Washington  6  Jan*.  1838 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  am  indebted  to  you  for  a  copy  of  your  annual  message  recd. 
by  the  mail  of  this  morning.  I  thank  you  for  this  notice  of  rememberance 
and  friendship,  but  I  thank  you  much  more  for  the  matter  of  the  mes 
sage  itself.  From  a  hasty  reading  I  have  experienced  unmixed  pleasure. 
Were  this  my  only  standard  of  judgement  I  should  fear  I  might  have  felt 
too  strong  a  gratification,  but  since  I  came  to  my  seat  I  have  been  called 
upon  by  Judge  Spencer,  Judge  Palmer,  Judge  Bruyn,  Mr.  Gallop,  Mr. 
Gray,  Doct.  Taylor,  and  several  others  of  our  delegation  all  of  whom 
judge  and  feel  with  me  in  relation  to  the  message.  They  all  rejoice  in  its 
temper,  its  spirit,  its  matter.  So  far  you  will,  of  course,  have  understood 
me  as  speaking  of  that  part  of  the  message  which  refers  to  federal  rela 
tions. 

I  will  do  myself  the  justice  to  say  that,  in  all  other  parts  of  the  mes 
sage,  no  republican  can  feel  any  other  than  an  emotion  of  pride  and 
pleasure  from  its  perusal.  In  all  these  parts  it  is  a  clear,  direct  and  busi 
ness-like  document,  worthy  of  such  a  State  paper  in  such  a  State. 

I  have  shown  the  paragraph  in  relation  to  our  agitated  questions  to 
several  of  our  best  friends  in  this  body  and  all  express  the  most  full  appro 
bation 

I  regret  that  I  cannot  say  more,  but  as  I  write  under  an  excited  debate 
upon  abolition  you  must  pardon  me  for  saying  no  more  and  for  saying 
what  I  do  in  so  loose  a  form 

Most  Respectfully 
And  Truly  Yours 

Silas  Wright  Jr. 
His  Excellency 

William  L.  Marcy x 


Silas  Wright,  Jr.  to  A.  P.  Upshur. 

Washington  5.  March  1842. 
Hon.  A.  P.  Upshur 

Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Dear  Sir, 

Will  you  pardon  me  for  intruding  upon  you  with  a 
recommendation  for  an  appointment,  an  act  which  I  perform  with  great 
reluctance,  because  I  doubt  not  you  are  greatly  over  burthened  with  appli- 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.62]. 

219 


cations  and  because  I  claim  no  right  to  trouble  you  upon  these  subjects, 
any  farther  than  the  discharge  of  the  duty  I  may  owe  to  constituents  may 
require.  The  present  I  consider  one  of  those  cases,  as  the  Father  of  Mr. 
George  A.  Thorne,  by  whom  this  will  be  handed  to  you,  has  been  for  many 
years  an  esteemed  acquaintance  and  friend,  and  the  Son  comes  to  me  with 
recommendations  of  character  and  business  habits  and  capacities  which 
do  not  permit  me  to  entertain  a  doubt  as  to  his  merits. 

Mr.  Thorne,  the  Father  and  Son,  reside  in  Brooklyn,  New  York,  and 
the  appointment  which  the  young  man  seeks  is  that  of  purser  in  the  Navy. 
His  education  and  profession  has  been  that  of  a  merchant,  and  the  testi 
monials  he  will  present  to  you  will,  I  think,  convince  you  of  his  capacity 
and  qualifications  for  the  Trust. 

Of  the  politics  of  young  Mr.  Thorne  I  can  say  nothing  as  I  know 
nothing,  but  I  incline  to  the  opinion  that  he  has  been  more  the  merchant 
than  the  politician,  and  that  while  he  may  not  be  able  to  claim  distinguished 
services  as  a  partizan,  there  will  be  found  very  little  ground  for  objection 
against  him  upon  the  score  of  politics,  and  I  certainly  do  not  suppose  that, 
in  selections  for  the  place  of  purser,  political  considerations  will  avail 
much  unless  it  may  be  by  way  of  objection,  where  the  candidate  should 
appear  to  be  more  a  partizan  than  a  man  of  business. 

The  politics  of  Doct.  Thorne,  the  father,  have  been  those  of  the  repub 
lican  school,  but  what  have  been  his  feelings  and  what  his  action  in  our 
late  political  contests  I  am  wholly  unable  to  say.  Since  my  knowledge  of 
him  he  has  sometimes  differed  from  those  with  whom  I  have  acted,  and 
from  myself,  but  never  in  a  manner  either  to  render  his  republicanism 
questionable,  or  to  diminish  the  sincere  respect  entertained  for  him  by 
those  from  whom  he  has  thus  differed.  Always  moderate  in  his  political 
action,  he  has  always  manifested  a  sincerity  and  integrity  of  purpose, 
which  were  the  best  proofs  of  patriotic  feeling. 

Entertaining,  as  he  manifestly  does,  a  deep  anxiety  for  the  success  of 
his  son  in  this  application,  his  whole  history  satisfies  me  that  he  will  feel 
properly  grateful  to  yourself  and  the  President,  if  you  shall  find  it  con 
sistent  with  your  views  of  public  duty  to  confer  the  appointment.  Upon 
any  other  terms  I  feel  sure  that  neither  young  Mr.  Thorne,  or  the  Father, 
would  expect  the  office,  and  certainly  upon  any  other  terms  it  would  not 
be  asked  by  me ;  and  I  have  assured  both  of  my  entire  ignorance  as  to  the 
present  calls  of  the  Service  for  officers  of  this  class. 

If  Pursers  shall  be  wanted,  and  you  shall  be  perfectly  satisfied  that 
the  character  and  qualifications  of  young  Mr.  Thorne  are  such  as  to  render 
his  selection  safe  and  proper,  that  result  will  afford  sincere  pleasure  to  a 
very  large  and  respectable  circle  of  friends  of  his  family,  as  it  will  to, 

Your  Most  Respectful 

And  obed4.  Serv*. 

Silas  Wright  Jr.  * 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.63]. 


220 


THOMAS    CORWIN. 


Thomas  Corwin  to  John  McLean. 

Washington  19*  June  1834. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  been  urging  on  Ewing  the  necessity  of  obtaining  the 
information  concerning  Gardneir's  receipts,  for  some  time.  He  has  been 
so  very  busy  with  the  P.  office  affairs  that  all  other  things  have  been  for 
gotten  by  him.  I  shall  see  him  to  day.  He  is  never  disengaged  &  will  I 
know  be  anxious  to  get  the  facts.  He  once  called  for  them  &  the  close 
of  the  session  prevented  their  receipt.  I  have  been  utterly  confounded  at 
Homer's  course  here.  Either  his  policy  is  too  deep  &  mysterious  for  my 
comprehension,  or  he  is  greatly  mistaken,  or  (what  I  am  loth  to  admit)  he 
is  dishonest.  You  will  have  an  opportunity  to  test  his  sincerity  during 
the  coming  summer  &  fall,  &  in  the  mean  time  it  would  be  unwise  if  not 
unjust  to  think  of  him  or  act  towards  him  as  one  not  to  be  trusted.  Still 
I  should  not  confide  fully  in  him.  I  fear  he  has  been  tempted  by  that 
imp  Moore.  I  cannot  account  for  his  strange  inconsistencies  in  the  elec 
tion  case,  upon  any  hypothesis  which  makes  him  unfriendly  to  Van  Buren. 
Our  intercourse  is  I  regret  to  say  suspended  except  mere  civil  formalities. 
I  have  been  particularly  careful  in  my  casual  conversations  with  him  to 
speak  in  a  way  to  satisfy  him  that  I  consider  him  still  your  friend  & 
engaged  with  the  rest  of  us  in  a  common  cause  in  Ohio.  Yesterday  L 
McLane  resigned.  It  is  understood  to  be  upon  compulsion  though  appar 
ently  the  tender  relations  between  him  &  the  Chief  have  been  severed  in  a 
friendly  spirit.  The  dulcet  notes  of  the  Globe  this  morning  are  designed 
to  conciliate  the  forbearance  of  the  discarded  secy.  He  will  perhaps  think 
proper  to  manoevre  so  as  to  take  his  seat  on  the  bench  should  Duval  choose 
to  die  in  any  convenient  time.  Such  are  the  speculations  of  the  wise  ones. 
It  is  said  Cass  is  to  follow  soon  per  force,  though  seemingly  from  choice. 
My  own  opinion  is  they  have  both  been  kicked  out,  or  will  be.  Forsyth 
&  Rives  are  spoken  of  for  the  State  department  &  should  Cass  retire  the 
new  Cabinet  will  consist  of  the  following  Secy  of  State  Forsyth  or 
Rives  —  Treasy  —  Toucey.  War  —  Woodbury.  Navy  —  Cooper  the  nov 
elist.  Which  last  by  way  of  pun  may  be  said  to  be  at  least  a  novel  selec 
tion.  The  afsd  novelist  is  now  engaged  in  writing  a  pamphlet  of  100 
pages  explanatory  justificatory  &  apologetic  of  the  Gen!s  administration. 
His  invention  &  talent  in  fiction  are  very  appropriately  employed.  He  of 
course  will  sell  his  copy  right  well  for  the  Navy  department. 

I  have  just  seen  your  letter  to  the  Phila  committee.     It  is  just  what  we 

221 


wished  to  see.  It  will  be  printed  here.  We  wish  Green  to  publish  it 
connected  only  with  the  letter  of  the  committe  &  not  as  he  wishes,  with 
Websters  stuff.  The  former  course  we  think  will  divest  it  of  all  appear 
ance  of  controversy.  At  all  events  it  will  put  aside  all  scruples  of  the  N 
England  folks,  &  bind  up  the  wounds  of  some  of  my  N  republican  acquaint 
ances  in  the  west.  We  shall  adjourn  without  any  law  concerning  the 
deposites.  I  cannot  see  where  we  shall  end,  the  future  is  all  dark,  till 
another  presidential  term  commences.  If  we  fail  there  I  dispair  alto 
gether.  We  may  sustain  a  public  existence  for  a  while,  but  the  health  of 
freedom  will  have  left  us  forever,  if  the  kitchen  scoundrills  have  four  years 
more  to  work  with  their  poison.  Flood  of  Zanesville  has  been  rejected 
by  the  Senate.  No  one  is  named  in  his  place  or  will  be  during  the  session. 
Stevenson's  case  hangs  up.  They  will  probably  reject  him.  I  think  we 
gained  a  victory  in  Bell's  election.  It  is  believed  he  is  decidedly  &  un 
changeably  opposed  to  Van  Buren.  They  speak  of  Hayward  Levitt  & 
Silliman  for  D  Judge  in  Ohio.  The  place  will  not  be  filled  till  we  leave 
here.  The  breach  grows  wider  every  day  between  the  Senate  and  Presi 
dent.  I  fear  one  extreme  will  here  beget  another.  Stevenson's  rejection 
I  understand  can  be  placed  on  very  satisfactory  grounds.  Some  develop 
ments  not  hitherto  known  have  it  is  said  been  made  that  alter  his  position, 
&  if  true  will  end  his  political  career.  His  health  is  very  bad,  it  is  thought 
he  will  not  live  out  the  summer. 

Yrs  truly 

Tho  Corwin 
Hon  Jn°  Me  Lean 
Cinc  Ohio 1 


Thomas  Corwin  to . 

W  City  20  Jany  1840 
Dr.  Sir 

I  have  just  red  your  letter  of  the  12th  I  greatly  rejoiced  in  your 
success  with  the  Meeting.  Depend  on  it  we  shall  beat  this  time.  I  have 
red  at  least  a  dozen  letters  this  morning  from  western  (  ?)  states,  all  prom 
ising  success,  where  we  did  not  expect  it  Rencher  a  former  member  here 
from  N  Carolina,  a  man  of  cool  &  sagacious  mind  writes  me  that  Harrison 
&  Tyler  are  the  very  men  of  all  others  who  could  carry  N.  Carolina  & 
assures  me  I  may  rest  satisfied  that  old  Rip  will  be  safe  for  us.  So  from 
Maine  &  Pa  proofs  without  number  of  the  same  spirit  &  belief  as  to  these 
states  come  to  me  every  day.  I  send  you  a  paper  printed  at  Richmond 
showing  what  the  feeling  is  there.  We  shall  surely  take  the  old  dominion 
this  time. 

The  more  I  think  of  this  business  of  Gov.  the  less  I  like  my  connexion 
with  it.     I  fear  we  shall  have  great  difficulty  in  setting  matters  right  in 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.45J. 
222 


our  Dis*  if  I  just  now  step  aside.  So  they  tell  me  at  home.  I  have  written 
to  all  my  acquaintances  at  Columbus  to  take  some  body  else.  Ewing  I 
am  sure  would  carry  us  safe  thro  &  I  verily  believe  would  get  more  votes 
than  I  could.  I  shall  have  to  resign  one  public  place  to  run  for  another. 
This  looks  bad  &  will  fetter  me  every  where.  I  beg  you  to  think  of  this  & 
consult  with  our  friends.  The  loss  of  my  Dis'  in  the  fall  election  must 
not  be. 

Yrs.  &c. 
Tho.  Corwin  1 


THOMAS   EWING. 


Thomas  Ewing  to  Peter  Hitchcock. 

Washington  City 

Dec  28th  1834. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  reed  yours  yesterday  but  having  written  very  fully  a  few  days 
ago  on  the  subject  I  did  not  think  best  to  trouble  you  with  another  very 
special  answer,  I  mentioned  to  you  that  all  our  Whigs  from  Ohio  would 
unite  on  Me  Lean  except  one.  You  were  probably  aware  that  Gen  Vance 
was  the  Gentleman  referred  to. 

He  will,  before  the  step  is  taken  undoubtedly  use  every  effort  in  his 
power  to  prevent  it.  After  it  shall  have  been  taken  I  still  think  it  probable 
he  will  go  with  his  'friends.  Of  this  however  I  am  by  no  means  certain 
as  he  has  strong  feelings  of  personal  hostility  to  Me  Lean.  He  is  a  warm 
friend  &  a  good  strong  hater,  so  that  he  will  be  difficult  to  reconcile. 

My  own  views  &  that  of  our  friends  here  remain  unchanged 

I  am  very  Respectfully 
Yours 
T.  Ewing 2 


1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.si]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.88]. 


/  ;'",^,c;;;i".    \ 

2*3 


JAMES    BUCHANAN. 


James  Buchanan  to  Asbury  Dickens. 

Lancaster  3  October  1836. 
Dear  Sir 

An  absence  from  home  of  nearly  a  fortnight  has  prevented  me 
from  sooner  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  letter.  I  presume,  how 
ever,  that  Governor  Cass  has  shewn  you  my  letter  to  him  on  the  subject  of 
the  Secretaryship  of  the  Senate. 

Letters  poured  in  so  fast  upon  me  that  in  self  defence  I  was  obliged 
to  say  to  all  that  I  would  not  commit  myself  until  after  I  should  reach 
Washington.  In  regard  to  yourself  I  entertain  the  most  friendly  feelings 
&  I  am  sensible  of  your  high  qualifications  for  the  Station.  We  shall 
have  several  candidates  from  Pennsylvania ;  but  I  have  frankly  tofd  them 
that  the  circumstance  of  both  Houses  having  for  so  many  years  had  Clerks 
from  our  State  would  be  urged  as  an  objection  to  the  election  of  one  of 
our  citizens.  Placed  in  the  situation  I  shall  be,  I  know  not  what  I  may  do. 
I  shall  act  for  the  best  under  the  then  existing  circumstances. 

I  remain  truly  yours 

James  Buchanan 
Asbury  Dickens  Esq  * 


WILLIAM    LEARNED    MARCY. 


Governor  Marcy  to  General  John  Jackson. 

Albany  Jan*.  3.  1838. 
General  John  Jackson, 

Although  you  have  not  notified  me  yet  I  have  it  in 
so  many  other  ways  that  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  you  have 
actually  called  out  a  part  of  your  Brigade  to  protect  that  part  of  the  fron 
tier  of  the  state  which  lies  within  the  limits  of  your  command.  Brig. 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham. €.9.70]. 
224 


General  Burt  of  the  47th  Brigade  having  done  the  same  thing  I  have  caused 
an  order  to  be  issued  to  him  in  relation  to  his  duties  in  this  emergency. 
I  have  directed  the  adjutant  General  to  issue  to  you  a  similar  order  which 
will  probably  be  conveyed  to  you  by  the  same  mail  that  carries  this  letter. 
I  will  only  say  in  this  letter  that  the  greatest  care  must  be  taken  that  the 
troops  when  assembled  do  not  under  any  circumstances  commit  any  act 
of  aggression.  The  militia  of  yr  Command  are  called  out  for  no  other 
purpose  than  to  defend  &  protect,  not  to  avenge  insult  or  punish  outrage. 
It  is  the  duty  of  the  General  Gov*.  [to]  attend  to  the  latter  and  the  inhabit 
ants  on  the  frontier  may  be  assured  that  the  honour  of  the  country  will  be 
maintained  &  wrongs  inflicted  will  be  redressed.  Let  no  rash  act  on  the 
parts  of  our  own  citizens  and  in  an  especial  manner  on  the  part  of  the 
military  force  called  out  under  the  authority  of  the  state  embarrass  that 
government  in  obtaining  the  reparation  and  atonement  which  we  have  a 
right  to  demand.  I  am  with  great  respect  your 

Obt  Servt 
W.  L.  Marcy * 


CALEB    GUSHING. 


Caleb  Gushing  to  General  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn. 

Washington  I  April  1840 
Dear  Sir: 

Mr  Adams  has  placed  in  my  hands  your  letter  to  him  of  the  i8th 
instant,  in  regard  to  which  (in  conjunction  with  yours  to  me  of  the  27th 
January)  I  write  at  the  present  time. 

I  do  not  think  there  is  immediate  prospect  of  war  with  Great  Britain. 
At  the  same  time,  the  issue  has  ceased  to  be  in  the  control  of  the  United 
States.  We  have  done  all  we  can  to  effect  an  amicable  settlement  of  the 
main  question.  Our  counter-proposition  was  made  in  December  last. 
Mr.  Fox  states  that  Lord  Palmerston's  answer  was  to  be  made  up  in  all 
March ;  &  if  so  it  ought  to  be  here  in  a  few  weeks.  Will  Great  Britain, 
however,  yield  anything?  Will  she  recede  from  her  system  of  encroach 
ment  &  self  aggrandisement?  I  doubt.  If  she  do,  it  will  be  the  first 
time  she  has  done  so,  unless  when  forced.  And  upon  that,  it  seems  to  me, 
depends  the  final  issue. 

I  am  as  fully  convinced  as  you  can  be  that  the  peace,  security,  &  ter 
ritorial  independence  of  the  United  States  require  the  extinction  of  the 
British  power  in  North  America ;  and  to  that  great  end  I  shall  never  cease 
to  look.  Delenda  est  Carthago. 

Gen.  Scott,  in  a  paper  communicated  to  Congress  today,  says  the 
British  have  now  20.000  regulars  in  the  Provinces.     Be  assured,  that  this 
great  force  is  placed  there  to  act  against  the  United  States, 
the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.58]. 

225 


Within  the  year  past  new  works  have  been  erected,  not  only  on  the 
Northeastern  frontier,  but  at  various  other  points  all  along  to  the  far 
Northwest,  &  especially  at  Sandwich  &  Windsor.  To  say  nothing  of  the 
strengthening  &  enlargement  of  various  old  works. 

British  officers  are  actively  intriguing  with  the  (our)  Indians  in  the 
Northwest. 

For  myself,  I  favor  all  measures  of  preparation  on  our  side.  And  I 
wait  only  for  the  March  despatches  promised,  to  act. 

I  propose  to  communicate  your  letter  to  Mr.  Poinsett,  not  only  be 
cause  of  the  suggestions  it  contains  in  regard  to  the  fixed  defences  &c  of 
of  the  country,  but  also  to  encourage  him  in  his  militia  plan,  which  I  see 
you  approve. 

Its  operation,  it  seems  to  me,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  reading  the 
plan,  &  without  having  heard  the  other  side,  will  be  good. 

Take  Massachusetts  to  illustrate  the  idea.  He  proposes  that  the 
Mass  of  our  militia  shall  be  enrolled  &c  substantially  as  in  Mr  Quincy's 
bill.  Our  Active  force  is  to  consist  of  6000  men,  drafted  or  volunteers, 
to  be  paid  by  the  United  States.  Mr  Quincy's  bill  is  for  10000  volunteers, 
to  be  paid  by  Massachusetts.  Add  Mr  Poinsett's  Sedentary  force  of  6000 
more,  &  the  general  result  is  better  for  us,  than  any  past  or  existing  fact. 
For  instance,  if  Mr  Poinsett's  plan  be  carried  into  effect,  my  District  will 
have  to  supply  5  Companies  of  Active,  &  5  of  Sedentary,  volunteer  (or 
drafted)  militia;  that  is  500  men  in  actual  service  for  so  many  days  annu 
ally,  &  500  For  contingent  service ;  all,  paid  by  the  United  States.  It  does 
more  than  that  now,  at  the  expense  of  this  Commonwealth  or  of  the  volun 
teers  themselves. 

I  may  be  mistaken  in  these  views ;  but  thus  it  seems  to  me. 

Would  it  be  of  use  for  me  &  others  to  stir  in  this  militia  business  at 
home?  I,  for  instance,  will  very  gladly  resign  my  present  commission  as 
Judge  Advocate,  &  enter  the  line,  if  I  can  do  it  without  disturbing  too 
much  the  officers  of  the  line  now  in  commission.  Pray  think  of  this,  & 
let  me  know  if  it  would  be  judicious  for  me  to  attempt  any  thing  of  this 
sort. 

In  regard  to  fortifications  &c,  the  prospect  is  not  good.  The  Admin 
istration,  in  its  anxiety  to  conciliate  the  senseless  prejudices  of  the  South 
on  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  has  set  in  motion  a  retrenchment  hobby,  which 
is  most  pernicious  to  all  the  public  interests,  &  I  think  prejudicial  to  the 
popularity  &  political  prospects  of  the  Administration  itself,  which,  to 
make  sure  of  two  or  three  States  in  the  South,  is  in  the  way  to  repell  & 
disgust  all  the  rest  of  the  Union.  In  justice  to  all  parties,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  Whigs  are  partly  in  fault;  for  the  Distribution  & 
Deposit  Act  has  crippled  &  exhausted  the  resources  of  the  Government. 
Thus  it  is  that  party  interests  on  both  sides  embarrass  the  public  service. 

I  remain, 

Very  truly  yours 

C  Cushing 
Gen.  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn. * 

1From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.67]. 

226 


ABEL    PARKER    UPSHUR. 


Secretary  Upshur  to  President  Tyler  on  the  case  of  Midshipman  Cooper. 

Midshipman  Ch.  S.  Cooper  was  tried  by  a  Court-martial  for  certain 
offences  of  no  very  grave  character,  &  was  sentenced  to  be  reprimanded, 
&  confined  for  a  certain  time,  to  his  ship. 

Before  his  sentence  was  made  known,  his  commander  represented  to 
him  that  he  would  certainly  be  very  severely  punished,  &  recommended  to 
him  to  resign.  Under  the  fear  thus  inspired,  he  sent  in  his  resignation  to 
his  commander.  It  was  not  accepted. 

Supposing  that  his  connexion  with  the  Navy  was  severed,  by  the 
mere  fact  of  sending  in  his  resignation,  he  left  the  ship,  &  repaired  to 
Washington  with  the  view  to  represent  his  case  to  the  President,  &  ask  to 
be  reinstated.  The  President,  however,  acting  upon  the  technical  prin 
ciple  that  the  actual  acceptance  of  the  resignation  was  necessary,  in  order 
to  break  the  connexion  between  the  officer  &  the  service,  dismissed  him 
for  breaking  his  arrest. 

I  am  satisfied  from  the  evidence  before  me 

1  That  the  resignation  was  occasioned  by  the  terror  inspired  by  the 
assurances  of  the  commanding  officer,  that  the  sentence  would  be  very 
harsh,  &  by  the  influence  of  the  commander's  counsel. 

2  That  there  was  no  intention  to  break  the  arrest,  but  that  the  same 
was  done  ignorantly. 

The  interference  of  commanding  officers  in  such  cases  &  in  such 
mode,  particularly  where  young  &  inexperienced  officers  are  concerned, 
is  of  very  pernicious  tendency,  &  ought  to  be  discountenanced  by  the  De 
partment.  It  appears  to  me  from  satisfactory  testimonials,  that  Mr. 
Cooper  is  worthy  to  be  in  the  service,  &  therefore,  under  the  circumstances 
of  his  case,  I  respectfully  recommend  that  he  be  restored  to  his  former 
position. 

Respectfully  submitted 

A.  P.  Upshur 
Decr  3  1841 

Endorsement  of  President  Tyler. 

Let  Mid.  Cooper  be  restored  —  but  this  restoration  is  not  to  carry 
with  it  back  pay.  The  general  rule  adopted  since  I  came  into  office  is  to 
allow  no  back  pay  as  the  consequence  of  restoration — . 

J.  Tyler 

Decr  6.  1841 
apptd  9th  Novr.  I84I.1 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.io]. 

227 


MARTIN    VAN    BUREN. 


Martin  Van  Buren  to  Governor  William  C.  Bouck. 

Lindenwald 

Jany  8h.  1844 
My  dear  Sir 

I  thank  you  kindly  for  the  copy  of  your  Message  sent  me.  It  is 
an  excellent  paper,  prepared  with  care,  talent  &  discretion.  It  deserves 
to  be,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  is,  satisfactory  to  the  great  body  of  your  friends. 

Will  you  excuse  me,  if,  influenced  by  an  unfeigned  desire  for  your 
success,  &  encouraged  by  the  spirit  of  your  last  letter,  I  trouble  you  with  a 
few  suggestions  upon  a  single  point  in  your  future  course. 

Your  views  &  opinions  upon  the  most  important  of  the  subjects  which 
are  to  be  acted  on  by  the  Legislature,  have  now  been  presented  to  them  in  a 
simple,  plain  &  perfectly  intelligible  form.  With  this  your  duty  in  respect 
to  them  is  performed,  &  that  of  the  Legislature,  who  are  under  the  same 
responsibilities  to  the  people  that  you  are,  commences.  In  their  hands, 
without  farther  interference  I  would  leave  those  subjects,  holding,  &  when 
asked,  expressing  with  candour  &  in  good  temper  the  same  opinions,  but 
with  a  declaration  that  you  have  done  your  part  of  the  duty  —  that  it  now 
remains  for  the  Legislature  to  do  theirs  —  that  you  have  the  same  confi 
dence  in  the  goodness  of  their  motives  that  you  ask  for  your  own,  &  that 
it  will  be  your  duty  to  be  satisfied  with  what  they,  in  the  exercise  of  the 
discretion  committed  to  them,  shall  think  proper  to  do.  Such,  I  was  in 
formed  by  the  old  members  of  our  party  was  the  uniform  course  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  &  there  never  were  any  heart  burnings  between  him  &  Con 
gress.  I  endeavord  to  walk  in  his  footsteps,  in  this  regard,  &  felt  the 
advantage  of  it.  There  is  no  telling  how  much  the  comfort,  as  well  as 
real  efficiency  of  our  Executive  officer  is  increased  by  it.  When  it  is 
known  that  he  indulges  such  feelings  in  respect  to  the  action  of  the  Legis 
lature,  his  enemies  have  fewer  tangible  points  upon  which  to  assail  him,  & 
less  room  is  afforded  for  suspicions  &  jealousies  on  the  part  of  his  political 
friends.  When  the  Executive,  on  the  other  hand,  manifests  a  deep  inter 
est  in  the  action  of  the  Legislature,  &  busies  himself  in  efforts  to  give  it  a 
particular  discretion,  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  avoid  the  suspicion  of 
bringing  the  patronage  of  the  Governmt  to  bear  upon  the  independent 
exercise  of  opinion  by  the  Legislature.  If  you  are  as  pure  in  this  respect 
as  purity  itself,  still  the  friends  of  those  who  oppose  your  actions  in  the 
Legislature  will  be  certain  to  place  their  disappointment  in  the  way  of 
office  to  that  cause.  The  effects  of  this  upon  the  popularity  of  our  Execu- 

228 


live  officer  are  much  greater  than  is  upon  a  first  impression  supposed. 
The  effects  of  Individual  disappointment  are  "comparatively  limited,  the 
other  strikes  at  a  principle  properly  held  sacred  by  the  mass  of  the  people 
&  creates  more  extensive  &  permanent  injury.  It  is  quite  natural  that 
one  should  feel  desirous  for  the  success  of  measures  he  recommends,  & 
for  the  failure  of  those  of  which  he  disapproves,  but  it  is  much  the  safest 
way,  &  in  the  long  run  the  most  effectual  too,  to  let  things  take,  in  this 
respect,  their  natural  course.  When  it  is  known  that  a  Gov.  connects  his 
own  fate  with  the  action  of  the  Legislature,  he  is  kept  in  hot  water  through 
the  whole  session,  is  liable  to  be  defeated  in  the  estimation  of  the  by  standers 
in  matters  with  which  he  strictly  speaking  has  nothing  to  do,  &  on  account 
of  which  he  is  unwise  to  assume  unnecessary  responsibilities.  Whilst 
on  the  other  hand  he  makes  his  ease  with  his  Constituents  &  the  Legisla 
ture  at  the  commencement  of  the  Session,  he  does  it  in  his  own  closet, 
having  a  controul  over  the  whole  subject,  deliberately  and  cooly,  &  he 
reserves  the  rest  of  his  time  for  his  other  duties,  which  are  of  themselves 
sufficiently  troublesome  &  responsible. 

Excuse  me  for  troubling  you  so  long  upon  a  point  which  you  have 
most  probably  already  considerd  &  determined  to  adopt.  I  design  to 
come  for  a  few  days  to  Albany  on  the  17.  Inst  whn  the  Agricultural  society 
meet  &  whn  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you.  In  the  mean  time 
believe  me  very  respectfully  &  truly  yours 

M  Van  Buren 
Gov.  Bouck  * 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK. 


James  K.  Polk  to  Governor  William  C.  Bouck. 

Columbia  Tenn.  June  2 Ist-  1844. 
Dear  Sir: 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  of  the  3d_  Instant,  congratulating  me 
upon  my  nomination  —  by  the  Democratic  National  Convention,  for  the 
Presidency.  It  was  a  high  honour  conferred  by  my  party  and  was  I 
assure  you  wholly  unexpected  by  me.  —  I  am  gratified  to  have  your  opin 
ion  of  the  prospects  in  New  York,  and  hope  you  will,  as  you  promise  in 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.S.si]. 


229 


your  letter,  write  to  me  occasionally  as  the  canvass  progresses  —  In  this 
State  —  a  finer  spirit  prevails  than  I  have  ever  known  &  our  Democracy 
are  confident  of  success. 

I  am  With  Great  Respect 
Your  ob't  se't 

James  K  Polk 
His  Ex.  Wm  C.  Bouck 
Albany 

N.  York1 


RICHARD  RUSH. 


Richard  Rush  to  Asbury  Dickens. 

Sydenham,  near  Philadelphia, 

April  16.  1846. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  have  your  letter  of  the  13th,  and  in  regard  to  the  first  part 
will  merely  say,  that  you  need  not  be  at  the  trouble  of  acknowledging  the 
kind  of  letters  you  refer  to,  as  I  will  always  infer  their  safe  arrival.  I  hap 
pen  to  have  had  particular  reasons  for  the  special  inquiry  I  once  made. 

And  now  to  the  important  part  of  your  letter.  It  is  certainly  true 
that  we  had  no  specific  instructions  for  the  clause  of  joint  occupation,  or 
"non-occupation",  as  Mr.  Adams  says,  in  the  convention  of  1818.  Our 
instructions  on  this  whole  subject,  were  very  meagre;  contrary  to  the 
general  practise  of  Mr.  Adams  while  Secretary  of  State,  whose  instruc 
tions  were  little  apt  to  want  fullness  any  more  than  force.  Mr.  Gallatin 
and  I  both  remarked,  how  meagre  they  were.  Of  this  I  have  a  written 
note.  There  was  nothing  beyond  what  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Secretary's 
joint  dispatch  to  us  of  the  28lh  of  July  1818.  The  subject,  now  grown  so 
vast  under  the  name  of  Oregon,  had  place  in  our  instructions  then,  under 
the  general  head  of  — "Settlement  at  the  mouth  of  Columbia".  The 
Secretary  remarked  in  treating  of  this  head,  that  the  pretensions  of  the 
British  government  to  this  settlement  "called  Astoria"  —  (this  was  after 
the  surrender  of  its  possession  to  us  under  the  treaty  of  Ghent  —  )  were 
not  precisely  known,  nor  had  they  "explained  the  grounds  or  motives  oir 
which  they  contested  our  right  to  it."  The  dispatch  spoke  also  of  Russia 
having  pretensions  on  that  coast;  and,  whilst  arguing  against  the  expe 
diency  of  referring  this  and  other  disputed  points  to  commissioners  &c. 
alluded  to  a  "boundary  across  the  western  deserts  of  this  continent,  and 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [  Cham.C.g.ig]. 
230 


title  to  establishments  on  the  Pacific  ocean,  where,  save  pretensions  "there 
is  no  object  to  any  party  worth  contending  for."  Memorable  words  these, 
to  recur  to  now ;  but  do  not  let  me  be  the  one  to  make  public  proclamation 
of  them,  as  I  desire  never  to  be  placed  in  relations  other  than  harmonious 
with  Mr  Adams,  but  the  words  may  be  seen  by  all  in  our  public  documents. 

We  did  the  best  we  could  under  the  instructions  we  had,  for  which  I 
refer  to  our  joint  Report  of  the  20  of  October  1818,  transmitting  the  con 
vention.  The  fact  is  our  discussions  on  this  part  of  it,  were  quite  limited 
at  that  period,  but  we  found  the  British  stiff  enough  notwithstanding; 
for,  to  say  no  more,  they  put  in  their  claim  to  "territorial  authority"  equally 
with  ourselves  to  the  whole  country  lying  between  45  and  49  on  that  coast. 

The  first  full  discussion  ever  had  between  the  two  nations,  was  in  the 
negotiation  which  I  afterwards  conducted  singly  at  London  in  1824.  This 
was  the  first  negotiation  after  we  had  acquired  the  Spanish  title,  and  the 
whole  report  of  it  was  made  in  my  dispatch  of  the  12th  of  August  1824. 
The  British  then  were  entirely  surprised,  or  assumed  to  be,  at  the  nature 
of  our  claims  (their  extent,)  as  I  certainly  was  at  the  extent  of  theirs;  for 
which  see  my  Report  among  the  public  documents,  [or  page  599  of  my 
second  volume.] 

I  have  ever  believed  that  England  attaches  great  importance  to  that 
coast  and  country.  Her  newspapers  and  other  publications,  I  know,  some 
times  hold  one  language  about  its  importance  and  sometimes  another ;  but 
whenever  England  has  spoken,  as  England,  that  is,  through  the  solemn 
declarations  and  records  of  her  government,  she  has  steadily  shown  a  de 
cided  sense  of  its  importance.  When  her  plenipotentiaries  with  the  whole 
British  Cabinet  at  their  elbow,  after  much  ado  on  both  sides,  at  length 
proposed  to  me  in  June  1824  to  take  49  as  the  basis,  and  then  turning  down 
south  when  it  reached  the  north  Easternmost  branch  of  the  Columbia,  to 
divide  that  river  with  us,  she  taking  all  north  of  the  river  and  we  all  south, 
I  to  be  sure  expressed  my  astonishment  at  such  a  proposal ;  but  her  pleni 
potentiaries  intimated  to  me  during  the  remainder  of  the  negotiation, 
almost  in  informal  words,  that  it  was  their  ultimatum;  though  this  was 
not  entered  on  the  protocol  —  in  part  by  my  desire,  for  the  reason  which  I 
gave  them.  See  my  above  dispatch  —  or,  for  handy  reference,  the  book 
just  mentioned  page  609. 

England  not  having  at  that  epoch,  tied  herself  down  by  the  record  to 
such  an  ultimatum,  was  willing  in  1826  to  let  us  have,  in  addition,  a  little 
bit  of  detached  territory  along  the  Pacific  and  Straits  of  Fuca  from  Bui- 
finch's  harbor  to  Hoods  canal;  and  since,  in  1844,  she  has  included  a 
further  offer  of  the  freedom  to  us  of  certain  ports  on  the  main  land,  or  on 
Vancouver's  Island,  south  of  49°. 

By  no  other  offers  whatever,  of  which  the  public  know  any  thing,  has 
her  government,  to  this  day,  gone  any  farther  than  the  foregoing  sketch 
makes  known;  and  she  has  rejected  many  offers  from  us.  She  knows 
that  whoever  has  Oregon  will  command  the  north  Pacific;  an^  my  way  of 
reasoning  rather  is,  that  the  vast  future  which  she  will  probably  think  is 
opening  to  her  in  that  ocean  through  the  improved  intercourse  she  has  set 
herself  to  work  for  bringing  about  with  China,  will  not  be  likely  to  reduce 

231 


her  ambition  on  the  Oregon  question.  Hence  I  have  all  along  been  less 
sanguine  of  a  pacific  issue  to  this  formidable  question  than  many  of  my 
friends  —  fervently  as  I  wish  to  see  peace  on  terms  fair  and  honorable, 
and  not  meaning  to  part  with  that  hope  to  the  last. 

I  have  answered  you  somewhat  more  at  length  than  seems  necessary, 
but  your  inquiry  was  important  and  you  rightly  remark  that  I  take  an 
interest  in  the  whole  subject;  and,  having  followed  it  up,  have  gone  on  as 
you  see  when  once  sitting  down  to  write  at  all  about  it.  And  how  short 
and  simple  is  the  sheer  record  or  essence  of  the  whole  negotiation !  Does 
it  not  show  a  deep  root  to  the  difficulty  on  both  sides?  I  fear  so;  and 
although  still  ardently  hoping  for  the  best,  have,  I  must  say,  regarded 
General  Cass's  resolutions  early  in  December  as  nothing  more  than  wise 
and  prudent  under  all  the  past  history  and  present  position  of  this  diffi 
culty,  come  what  may  of  it  finally.  I  have  however  barely  intended  to 
write  you  a  brief  summary  narrative,  not  give  any  opinions;  and  will 
therefore  only  add  how  truly  and  sincerely  I  am 

My  dear  sir  always  yours, 

Richard  Rush.1 


Richard  Rush  to  Asbury  Dickens. 

Sydenham.  25  April  :  46 
My  dear  Sir, 

It  is  not  often  that  I  amuse  myself  with  an  article  like  the 
enclosed,  intended  for  the  National  Intelligencer;  but  as  long  back  as 
when  Lord  Morpeth  was  here,  we  talked  at  my  table  (cautiously  at  first 
on  his  part  as  he  knows  our  thin  skins  —  but  I  told  him  not  to  be  afraid) 
of  the  frequent  use  we  make  of  the  word  action.  Since  then  we  have 
doubled,  quintupled,  in  its  use  and  abuse,  and  dear  knows  when  it  is  to 
stop ;  so  I  have  tried  to  give  it  a  little  hit  having  often  been  minded  to  do  so 
before;  and  as  the  great  example  comes  from  Washington,  it  is  there,  if 
any  where,  that  some  little  attempt  in  the  way  of  corrective  should  appear. 
You  may  see  that  the  English  newspapers  are  at  last  jeering  us  about  the 
word. 

Therefore,  my  dear  Sir,  I  venture  on  asking  you  just  to  hand  the 
article  as  from  me  to  Mr.  Gales  or  Mr.  Seaton  when  you  may  find  it  quite 
convenient  by  meeting  with  either  of  them.  They  may  decline  its  publi 
cation  from  their  preoccupied  columns  of  important  matter,  or  other 
reasons ;  and  I  might  not  know  of  this,  should  it  so  turn  out,  if  I  sent  the 
article  directly.  Should  it  result  so,  then  on  your  next  seeing  either  of 
them  in  the  Senate  Chamber,  I  will  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  get  back  the 
manuscript  and  put  it  under  cover  to  me. 

There  is  another  reason  with  me  for  asking  your  friendly  instrumen 
tality  on  this  little  occasion.  Should  the  article  appear,  I  may  never  know 
of  it  from  not  getting  the  paper;  for  although  I  take  the  Intelligencer 

'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [ Cham. C. 8.9]. 
232 


(the  tri-weekly)  it  gets  to  hand  with  great  irregularity,  through  faults  at 
the  Philadelphia  post  office  I  am  sure ;  therefore,  if  published,  please  send 
me  a  copy  of  the  paper,  which  you  can  probably  pick  up  at  the  Senate 
Chamber. 

The  Mrs.  Tantamount  anecdote,  I  had  from  Mr  Madison.     It  was 
an  old  Virginia  Lady. 

Always  Sincerely 

yours 
Richard  Rush1 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR. 


General  Zachary  Taylor  to  Col.  Jefferson  Davis. 

Head  Qrs,  Ary,  of  Occupation  or  Invasion 

Matamoros  Mexico  Aug*,  3d,  1846. 
My  dear  Col, 

I  have  [heard]  with  much  pleasure  of  your  safe  arrival  at 
Brazos  Island,  with  your  excellent  Reg1,  of  Mississippi  Volunteers,  &  very 
much  regret  I  cannot  at  once  order  you  with  your  Comd,  to  Camargo, 
where  the  greater  portion  of  the  Army  will  be  concentrated,  which  is  im 
practicable  at  the  present  time,  but  will  do  so  as  soon  as  possible  with  our 
limited  means  of  transportation;  the  want  of  a  more  ample  supply  has 
embarrassed  us  not  a  little,  &  I  fear  will  continue  to  do  so  to  some  extent. 
I  propose  bringing  up  the  Regts,  from  their  encampments  on  the  banks  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  where  I  flatter  myself  they  will  be  pleasantly  situated,  as 
regard  pure  air,  heath,  wood  &  water,  pretty  much  in  the  order  in  which 
they  arrived  in  the  country,  &  must  say  it  is  a  source  of  mortification  that 
yours  was  not  among  the  first  which  reached  Brazos  Island,  as  I  can  assure 
you  I  am  more  than  anxious  to  take  you  by  the  hand,  &  to  have  you  &  your 
command  with  or  near  me,  &  flatter  myself  if  we  are  not  disappointed  in 
the  arrival  of  several  Boats  which  are  daily  expected  from  N.  Orleans  & 
elsewhere,  in  addition  to  those  now  here,  we  will  very  soon  be  able  to  bring 
you  up. 

I  expect  to  leave  by  the  first  boat  which  reaches  here  from  below  on 
her  way  to  Camargo,  &  should  have  been  highly  gratified  could  I  have 

the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.S.io]. 


233 


seen  you  before  my  departure  for  that  place,  but  trust  it  will  not  be  long 
before  I  shall  have  that  pleasure.  Wishing  you  continued  health  &  pros 
perity  I  remain 

Truly  &  Sincerely 

Your  Friend 

Z.  Taylor 
Col.  Jefferson  Davis 

Comdg.  Mississippi  Vols, 
Brazos  Islands  * 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 


Franklin  Pierce  to  James  R.  Rix. 

Concord  Decr  2ist  1846 
My  dear  Sir 

I  return'd  from  Portsmouth  on  Saturday  night,  having  been 
there  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  to  bring  the  two  papers  there  together. 

The  object  will  be  accomplished  within  two  weeks.  And  then  I  trust, 
that  General  Harmony  may  succeed  General  Apathy  &  General  Contro 
versy  one  or  the  other  of  whom  have  long  been  in  command  in  Dist  No  i. 
Our  prospects  are  daily  brightening  in  all  parts  of  the  State  and  I  am  very 
sanguine  in  the  belief,  that  we  will  route  the  "allied  forces"  in  March. 
There  is  a  new  spirit  abroad.  We  hear  daily  of  seceding  from  the  Hale 
faction.  Many  of  them  prominent  and  active  men. 

The  truth  is,  there  seems  to  be  new  life  new  hope  every  where.  Give 
my  kindest  regards  to  Mr.  Williams  — 

In  haste  Yr  friend  &  Serv* 

Frank  Pierce 
Jas.  R.  Dix  Esq  2 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.3o]. 

2  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.56]. 


234 


JOHN  TYLER. 


John  Tyler  to  Brants  Mayer. 

Sherwood  Forest 
Charles  City  County.  Va 

August  Ist  1847. 
My  dear  Sir : 

Your  acceptable  letter  of  the  13th  July,  reached  me  as  I  was 
on  the  eve  of  departure  for  New  York,  with  my  family.  Having  placed 
them  I  trust,  beyond  the  reach  of  the  Malaria,  whose  influence  is  more  or 
less  felt  on  the  James  River,  I  have  returned,  farmer  like,  to  look  after  the 
plough,  and  take  the  first  moment  of  leizure  to  acknowledge  its  receipt. 

In  urging  Texas  annexation,  I  had  no  such  assurance  as  that  given 
by  Almonte  to  yourself,  viz.,  that  Mexico  regarded  Texas  as  lost  to  her, 
and  that  all  she  wanted  was  to  save  the  point  of  honour,  which  he  thought, 
could  be  done  satisfactorily.  This  declaration  was  made  to  you  in  the 
spring  of  1843,  before  the  subject  of  annexation  was  seriously  agitated. 
But  although  I  had  received  no  such  assurance,  I  had  arrived  at  the  same 
conclusion  as  to  Mexican  policy.  How  could  I  have  been  mistaken  in  such 
conclusion.  For  nine  years  Texas  had  been  independent,  &  that  inde 
pendence  acknowledg'd  by  the  leading  powers  of  the  world.  For  the 
greater  portion  of  that  time,  no  Mexican  army  had  invaded  her  territory. 
Torn  &  destracted  by  her  internal  commotions,  she  had  no  ability  to  make 
a  successful  invasion.  In  my  annual  messages  to  Congress,  of  1843  & 
1844,  I  urged  a  speedy  termination  of  the  hopeless  contest,  as  due  to  the 
cause  of  humanity,  and  as  particularly  due  to  the  United  States,  I  placed 
before  Mexico  the  example  of  England  in  regard  to  the  United  States, 
who  recognizing  her  obligations  to  the  civilized  world,  acknowledg'd  their 
independence  after  a  seven  years  contest.  In  one,  or  the  other  of  those 
messages,  I  set  forth  the  deep  interest  felt  by  my  Goverment  in  the  matter, 
dwelt  on  the  state  of  exhaustion  in  which  a  continuance  of  the  war  would 
place  Texas,  if  not  Mexico,  thereby  reducing  Texas  to  the  necessity  of 
resorting  to  expedients,  held  out  by  other  Goverments,  to  the  great  injury 
of  the  United  States.  These  repeated  warnings  were  met  by  silent  con 
tempt,  or  open  injury.  At  length  other  Goverments  began  to  seek  for 
advantages  &  made  their  appeals  to  Texas.  I  could  not  look  on  either 
passively,  or  indifferently.  It  was  idle  to  adopt  a  course  of  counter  in 
trigue.  We  could  offer  nothing  to  Texas  but  our  friendship  &  this  she 
had  always  experienced.  Annexation  was  the  only  counter  project.  It 


235 


was  proposed  &  accepted.  Standing  on  the  clear  ground  of  right,  I  should 
have  deprecated  no  war  that  Mexico  should  have  waged,  while  I  would 
have  left  no  means,  compatable  with  public  honor,  untried,  in  order  to 
avoid  it.  We  were  prepared  to  have  made  the  most  liberal  offers.  Mex 
ico  was,  without  loss  of  time,  placed  in  possession  of  our  true  feelings, 
through  a  dispatch  to  our  Minister  from  Mr  Calhoun,  which  the  Minister 
lost  no  time  in  communicating  to  the  Mexican  Goverment.  The  Senate 
rejected  the  treaty  &  I  was  abused  &  laughd  at.  Thus  ended  the  first 
chapter  of  Texas  annexation.  Seeing  the  subject  however,  in  the  most 
imposing  light,  I  did  not  stop  here.  I  threw  the  matter  promptly  before 
the  House  of  Representatives.  That  House  waived  a  decision  of  it,  but 
treated  the  message  with  respect  &  carried  the  question  to  the  People.  The 
People  decided  in  favour  of  annexation  &  I  carried  out  their  &  my  own 
wishes. 

The  precise  mode  in  which  this  was  done,  you  are  already  apprised  of. 
Mr  Brown  of  Tenessee  (a  Whig)  moved  a  resolution,  which  pass'd  the 
House  of  Representatives.  In  the  Senate,  great  difficulty  existed  in  the 
way  of  passing  it,  in  consequence  of  Mr  Benton's  opposition.  It  could 
only  be  overcome  by  adopting  his  own  proposition,  which  proposed  further 
negotiation,  as  an  alternative  resolution.  This  was  moved  by  Mr  Walker 
&  in  that  form  the  resolutions  pass'd.  You  are  aware  that  the  power  to 
select  between  the  two  Resolutions  was  confer'd  on  the  President.  The 
Resolutions  came  to  me  on  the  Ist  day  of  March  &  were  approved.  The 
only  doubt  I  had  as  to  making  the  selection,  arose  from  a  point  of  delicacy 
to  my  successor.  A  Cabinet  council  was  summoned  for  the  2d  March,  & 
the  point  was  resolv'd,  by  informing  my  successor  of  the  proposed  action, 
&  if  he  desired  it,  submitting  the  despatch  to  his  perusal.  The  Secretary 
of  State,  at  my  request,  accordingly  waited  upon  Mr  Polk,  explain'd  to  him 
my  selection  of  Mr  Brown's  resolution  &  expressed  a  readiness  to  show 
him  the  despatch  to  Mr  Donaldson.  He  politely  declined  the  expression 
of  any  opinion  concerning  the  Executive  action,  with  some  complementary 
declaration.  That  evening  the  Bearer  of  the  despatch  was  on  his  way  to 
Nashville,  where  Mr  Donaldson  was  at  the  time  beleivd  to  be.  Such  is 
the  true  history  of  that  transaction.  The  power  to  make  the  selection  was 
conferred  on  the  President.  Whether  any  other  than  myself,  could  have 
properly  made  the  selection  might  have  admitted  of  cavil.  But  I  felt  that 
no  time  was  to  be  lost.  The  British  minister  at  Texas  was  known  to  be 
exceedingly  active.  He  had  in  fact,  as  it  afterwards  appear'd,  already 
obtained  from  Mexico,  an  acknowledgement  of  Texas  independence,  based 
on  the  sole  condition  that  she  should  repel  annexation  to  the  United  States. 
I  must  add  that  I  feard  that  the  then  President  of  Texas,  Mr  Jones,  was 
opposed  to  annexation,  and  that  to  adopt  Mr  Benton's  resolution  was  to 
lose  the  question.  Mr  Polk  &  his  Cabinet  would  also  have  requir'd  some 
days  to  bring  themselves  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  true  posture  of 
affairs  &  all  delay  was  if  possible  to  be  avoided.  I  took  therefore,  the 
responsibility  of  a  prompt  &  decided  action,  &  Texas  became  soon  after  a 
member  of  the  Union. 

236 


You  ask  me  what  would  have  been  my  course  towards  Mexico,  had  I 
continued  in  office,  &  what  terms  would  I  have  proposed  ?  I  can  only  say 
that,  my  course  would  have  been  full  of  conciliation  towards  her.  I  am 
not  to  be  understood  as  saying  that  Mr  Polk  has  been  different.  I  mean 
to  cast  no  censure  any  where.  The  point  of  honour  had  been  saved  to 
Mexico,  by  Mr  Calhouns  despatch,  after  the  negociating  of  the  treaty. 
I  should  have  applied  myself  most  diligently  to  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon 
question,  taking  the  49th  degree  as  the  basis  of  the  negociation,  under  a 
conviction,  which  I  cannot  shake  off,  that  Mexico  would  not  have  gone  to 
war  with  us,  without  the  hope  of  foreign  aid.  That  question  kept  open, 
was  but  too  well  calculated  to  induce  Great  Britain  to  urge  Mexico  to 
war,  &  to  render  Mexico  at  heart,  indifferent  to  its  consequences.  It 
would  be  unbecoming  in  me  to  say  more  upon  this  subject,  at  this  day. 
But  I  cannot  forbear  repeating  that,  there  was  but  one  feeling  in  common 
with  myself  &  Cabinet  viz.,  to  negociate  with  Mexico  on  terms  of  distin- 
guish'd  liberality.  If,  notwithstanding  all  that  we  could  have  done,  she 
had  cased  herself  in  armor  &  struck  the  first  blow,  I  would  have  fallen 
upon  her  with  all  the  power  of  the  country,  so  far  as  I  could  constitutionally 
&  legally  have  commanded  it.  Such  in  brief,  is  my  whole  course  towards 
Texas  &  such  would  have  been  my  course  towards  Mexico,  had  I  con 
tinued  in  office.  I  have  explained  it  to  you  so  that  you  may  distinctly 
understand  it,  although  I  cannot,  at  this  time,  for  reasons  which  will  read 
ily  occur  to  you,  make  known  what  would  have  been  my  ultimatum  in  a 
negociation  with  Mexico. 

With  best  wishes  for  your  health  &  happiness 

I  am  Dear  Sir 

Yours  truly 

John  Tyler 

Brantz  Mayer  Esq ;  * 


REVERDY  JOHNSON. 


Reverdy  Johnson  to  Prof.  Theophilus  Parsons. 

Private.    You  can  of  course,  show  this  to  Mr.  Lawrence. 

Bait.  24  May  '48 
My  dear  Sir, 

Yours  of  the  24th  I  recd  in  Wash11,  yesterday,  &  thank  you  for 

it.     It  will  of  course,  as  will  any  other  you  may  favour  me  with,  be  held 

strictly  confidential.     Your  name  will,  in  no  event,  be  made  known.     I  had 

not  forgotten  that  I  had  the  pleasure  of  an  introduction  to  you.     Your 

1  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.y]. 

237 


name  prevented  that.  No  Lawyer,  could  ever  forget  being  known  to  any 
descendant  of  your  Father.  I  propose  being  in  Phila  on  the  5th.  June,  & 
remaining  there  during  the  Convention.  If  you  have  leisure,  I  should  be 
glad  to  hear  from  you  by  one  of  your  Delegates.  Write  me  also  then,  by 
mail,  so  that  I  may  know  if  you  write  by  a  Delegate,  &  who  he  is,  in  ad 
vance. 

Your  information  as  to  Taylors  strength  is  highly  gratifying.  I  have 
no  doubt,  not  the  least,  of  his  election,  if  he  is  nominated  in  Phila,  &  as 
little  doubt  that  any  other  Nominee  will  be  defeated.  Is  it  not  strange 
that  Mr  Webster  should  think  he  has  any  chance  either  of  nomination  or 
election?  Clay's  folly,  great  as  that  now  is  upon  the  subject,  is  not  as 
great  &  unaccountable  as  his.  It  is  only  to  be  accounted  for  by  thinking 
that  the  Presidency  has  crazed  both. 

When  Mr.  W.  left  Washington  last,  I  have  the  best  reason  for  think 
ing  he  was  for  Taylor.  If  he  has  changed,  I  fear,  it  is  more  from  a  desire 
to  defeat  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Lawrence  as  V .  P.  than  from  any  other 
cause.  I  know  that  in  '44,  he  was  bitterly  opposed  to  Govr.  Davis,  &  I 
think  esteems  the  Govr.  &  Mr.  L,  just  about  the  same.  I  have  the  best 
reasons  for  saying  so.  The  Friends  of  Mr.  L,  should,  in  some  way,  be 
informed  of  this.  I  take  for  granted,  all  your  Delegates  desire  his  nomina 
tion,  if  Mr.  W.  is  not  taken  for  the  higher  office,  and  that  can  only  be  done 
by  taking  Taylor,  &  by  that,  will  certainly  be  done.  Don't  fail  to  write  me 
at  Phila.  if  you  cannot  do  so  before.  I  return  to  Wash",  to  morrow. 

Yrs  sincerely 

Reverdy  Johnson 

T.  Parsons  Esqr. * 


JOHN  VAN  BUREN. 


John  Van  Buren  to  James . 

My  dear  James, 

I  enclose  a  draft  for  $420  of  R.  J.  Sage  on  Messrs.  Sage  &  Co 
which  please  have  placed  to  the  credit  of  J.  V.  B.  Exr  &c  with  Duncan, 
Sherman  &  Co.  The  nomination  of  Mc  Clellan  is  well  recd.  &  with  proper 
exertion  I  have  great  confidence  in  his  election  —  Much,  if  not  everything 
will  depend  on  the  votes  of  Penna.  &  Indiana  the  ioth  prox°.  If  they  are 
favorable  this  State  will  be  carried  triumphantly  &  Mc.  Clellan  elected. 
I  shall  remain  here  till  the  middle  of  next  week  or  later,  &  then  make  my 
way  to  Albany  for  a  week  —  I  am  still  without  letters  from  you  — 
Love  to  all  — 

truly  yrs 
Willowbrook  Sepr.  17.  64  2 

J.  Van  Buren 

'From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.g.47]. 
*  From  the  Chamberlain  Manuscripts  [Cham.C.8.64]. 

238 


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